Part 10

After the statue of Philonides, there are still 19 statues of victors and “honor” men to dispose of in this first ἔφοδος, those from Brimias to Glaukon (155-169, P., VI, 16.5-16.9). Of these statues, the base of that of Leonidas of Naxos (155a), the founder of the great building just outside the southwestern corner of the Altis named after him, was discovered in a Byzantine wall before the eastern end of the north front of that building, while that of Seleadas (159) was unearthed within the ruins of the same building; the base which supported the group-monument of Polypeithes and Kalliteles (160-161)—which, owing to the early dates of their victories, some time between Ols. (?) 66 and 70 (= 516 and 500 B. C.), must have stood originally in the area later occupied by the temple of Zeus, like that of the above-mentioned Eutelidas—a little to the south of the Byzantine church, between the bases of the statues of Leonidas and Glaukon; two fragments of the base of the statue of Deinosthenes (163) have been found, one east of the apse of the church, the other in the ruins of the Palaistra further north; and lastly, that of Glaukon, built into late walls northwest of the church.[2334] As the statue of Philonides stood at the extreme western end of the South Altis wall, and as most of these fragments were found in the vicinity of the Leonidaion, it would be natural to conclude that the majority of these later statues stood in the spaces just outside the West Altis wall. But at the end of the first ἔφοδος (VI, 17.1) Pausanias says that he has so far named statues “within the Altis”; hence most investigators have placed these 19 statues either west of the temple of Zeus or in the space at the southwestern corner of the Altis. A little further on we shall see that many other victor statues, not mentioned by Pausanias, stood just outside the West Altis wall, and it is doubtful whether his words ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει (VI, 17.1) should be taken thus literally, especially on any theory of his use of earlier accounts in the final compiling of his own. If they were “within” the Altis, they could scarcely have stood to the west or southwest of the temple of Zeus, for the second ἔφοδος, as we shall see, passed there.

A better alternative can be found. In describing the Leonidaion (V, 15.2), Pausanias says that this building stood “outside the sacred enclosure at the processional entrance into the Altis ... separated from this entrance by a street; for what the Athenians call lanes, the Eleans name streets.”[2335] Now Doerpfeld has shown that inside the West Altis wall and parallel to it—just south of the base of Philonides’ statue—is a line of bases ending in the later South wall of the Altis, so that this West wall and row of pedestals form a _cul de sac_ (see Plan B).[2336] It is clear that no such row of statues would have been placed leading up to a dead wall; therefore these statues must have stood there before the wall was built, and must once have formed the eastern boundary of a broad street skirting the eastern side of the Leonidaion, which was twice as wide as later, when the wall cut off half its breadth and made it a “lane,” though the older name “street” was retained. The later Roman enlargement of the Altis is well known. The long row of pedestals to the south of and parallel to those already discussed as standing along the line of the South Terrace wall, westward of the base of Telemachos, once constituted the southern boundary of the “Processional Way” (ὁδὸς πομπική), which ran from the Leonidaion to where it debouched into the Altis at its southeastern corner. Originally outside the Altis, they were later, together with the road itself, included in it. The pedestals, then, in the above-mentioned _cul de sac_, and also the fourteen (among them that of Metellus Macedonicus; see Plan B) that adorned the south side of the Processional Way, may be the remains of some of these last statues mentioned by Pausanias.

THE SECOND EPHODOS OF PAUSANIAS.

We next come to the second ἔφοδος, which is introduced by these words: Εἰ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τὸν μέγαν ἀφικέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας, τοσάδε ἔστι σοὶ τῶν ἀνηκόντων ἐς μνήμην.[2337] The Leonidaion, the site of which was still in dispute till after the close of the excavations, was finally identified by Treu[2338] with the so-called _Suedwestbau_, as had been already assumed by many investigators.[2339] The site of the Great Altar, however, is still undetermined. The elliptical depression to the east of the Pelopion, whose dimensions (125 feet in circumference) agree with the figures of Pausanias[2340] for the _prothysis_, or lowest stage of the altar, identified with it by most scholars,[2341] must now be given up since the more recent excavations of Doerpfeld, which prove it to be the remains of two prehistoric dwelling houses with apse-like ends.[2342] Nor can the remains of walls lying between the Heraion and the Pelopion, formerly supposed to be those of an altar, any longer be referred to the Great Altar (as Puchstein and Wernicke referred them)[2343] since Doerpfeld’s recent discoveries. So we are dependent on the words of Pausanias alone for its location, who says that it stood “equidistant from the Pelopion and the sanctuary of Hera, but in front of both,”[2344] therefore somewhat northwest of the elliptical depression nearer the centre of the Altis.[2345] Our problem, then, is to find Pausanias’ route between these two points, and here again, as at the beginning of the first ἔφοδος, we must rightly interpret the words ἐν δεξιᾷ. Michaelis, in his article on the use of ἐν δεξιᾷ and ἐν ἀριστερᾷ in Pausanias’ work, made these words refer to the southern side of the Processional Way, _i. e._, to the side at the right of Pausanias, who was facing east after arriving at the Leonidaion.[2346] Thus the statues already mentioned along the South Terrace wall (Aischines to Philonides, 139-154a) would now be on his left side. On this interpretation both Hirschfeld and Doerpfeld had the second ἔφοδος follow the Processional Way eastward parallel to the first—thus including the line of pedestals, which we have referred to the end of the first—and then, near the Councilhouse, curve northward in front of the temple of Zeus, which virtually would be a repetition of the first ἔφοδος. On this theory Doerpfeld[2347] wrongly explained the first route as containing statues ἐν τῇ Ἄλτει, while the second was outside the older Altis, and so, though equally long, contained fewer statues. But against this interpretation it must be urged that the Periegete is describing the Altis of his day, when the road in question was included within its boundaries, and that the Great Altar and the two last statues mentioned (187, 188) as standing near the pillar of Oinomaos were always inside.[2348] And neither this Processional Way nor the space before the eastern front of the temple of Zeus were localities for “unimportant mixed statues.”[2349] Furthermore, if he had merely retraced his steps after arriving at the Leonidaion—and he says nothing of returning—he would not have begun a new route[2350], but would have said something like this: Εἰ δὲ ὀπίσω ἀναστρέψας ἀπὸ τοῦ Λεωνιδαίου πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν αὖθις ἀφικέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ θελήσειας.[2351] So it is simpler to conclude that the new route wound around the western and northern sides of the temple of Zeus over the temple terrace.[2352] As no building is mentioned on the way, and as the north side of the temple would probably have been called ἀριστερὰ πλευρά (in accordance with the usage discussed above in connection with the Heraion), and as the Pelopion faces southwest, the words ἐν δεξιᾷ can refer only to the right hand of Pausanias, _i. e._, the right side of the road followed. If we assume that these words originally stood after τοσάδε ἔστι σοί and were transferred by a later copyist, the difficulty is resolved.[2353]

Of the nineteen victor statues in this second route (170-188, VI, 17.1-18.7) no bases have been found.[2354] But of the three “honor” statues included, one base, that of the rhetorician Gorgias of Leontini (184a), was recovered 10 meters northeast of the temple of Zeus, and so probably not very far from its original position;[2355] for Pausanias mentions only three more statues, before he comes to the last two in this ἔφοδος, which two stood in this vicinity. The parts of the Altis to the west and north of the temple were unimportant till the time of Alexander the Great, and were, therefore, remarkably free of monuments. In the whole description of Pausanias, we know of only three altars (those of Aphrodite, the Seasons, and the Nymphs) and a wild olive tree (the “Olive of the Beautiful Crown”) to the west of the temple (V, 15.3), and only of the votive offerings of a certain Mikythos or Smikythos to the north of it (V, 26.2).[2356] As the statue of Gorgias stood among the “unimportant mixed statues” already mentioned (184-186), these must have stood somewhere north of the temple near its eastern end. Finally, the two ancient wooden statues of Praxidamas and Rhexibios (187-188, P., VI, 18.7) are mentioned by themselves as near the column of Oinomaos, which Pausanias elsewhere[2357] says stood near the Great Altar of Zeus to the left of a road running south from it to the temple. Pausanias, after describing these “mixed” statues, may have finally left the route thus far followed and introduced these last two statues as quite distinct from the second ἔφοδος.[2358] But he does not seem to have gone far from his route, for immediately after ending his account of the victor statues, he begins his account of the Treasuries, which lay beyond the Great Altar farther north.[2359] (Plans A and B.)

Thus Pausanias ends his second route somewhere short of the Great Altar, and it appears after all to be only a continuation of the first, forming with it one unbroken “_Rundgang_,” though in quite a different sense of the word from that intended by Doerpfeld.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS.

From a study of these two routes, and a comparison of the dates of the victorious athletes,[2360] we can draw the following conclusions as to the positions of the victor statues mentioned by Pausanias as standing in the Altis at Olympia:

1. The twenty-eight oldest statues—exclusive of the five already mentioned as having been removed from the area of the later temple of Zeus[2361]—dating from Ol. 58 (= 548 B. C., Pythokritos, 128 b) to Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C., Theognetos, 83), _i. e._, approximately down to the date of the founding of the temple,[2362] stood in the space between the eastern front of the temple and the Echo Colonnade, or to the south of it near the South Altis wall. Only one statue (that of Protolaos, 48) stood as far north as the _Eretrian Bull_. Thus the southeastern part of the Altis was the oldest part dedicated to victor statues.

2. After this space was mostly filled, the next statues, those dating from Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C., Kallias, 50) to Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C., Eubotas, 75), _i. e._, from about the time of the foundation of the temple to near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, fifty-one in number, stood between the Heraion and the _Victory_ of Paionios; only one stood as far south as the Altis wall, while seven stood around the _Chariots_, ten around the _Victory_, twenty around the _Bull_, and the rest further north (including 176, 185 of the second ἔφοδος, which stood north of the eastern end of the temple). Diagoras and his family (59-63), boxers and pancratiasts, had their statues near the older famous boxer Euthymos (56); Alkainetos and his sons (64-66), boxers, besides many other pugilists, had theirs near the Diagorids; Tellon (102) had his near that of his compatriot Epikradios (101); later Achæans had theirs near that of their countryman Oibotas (29), and Spartans near that of Chionis (111); some, as the three victors from Heraia (176, 177, 32),[2363] stood far apart only apparently, for the last one had his statue near the _Bull_, and so not far from the other two, though these are named in the second ἔφοδος.

3. From near the date of the battle of Aigospotamoi, down to about the birth of Alexander the Great, _i. e._, from Ol. 94 to Ol. 106 (= 404 to 356 B. C.), thirty-six statues filled in the intervals left among these older statues; fifteen stood near the Heraion; five between it and the _Bull_, seven around the _Bull_, five around the _Victory_, one near the _Chariots_, and three along the South Altis wall. Euthymenes and Kritodamos (78, 80) had their monuments near that of their older countryman (79), whose statue was made by Myron; the Ephesians, Pyrilampes and Athenaios (35, 36), had their statues beside that of their benefactor Lysandros (35 a).

4. After Alexander’s time, in consequence of the recent building of the Philippeion, Leonidaion, and Theekoleon to the west of the Altis, the western side of the temple of Zeus (and, to a lesser extent, the northern) became important, and henceforth statues surrounded the temple on all sides. Of the thirty-three statues of this epoch, nine stood to the west of the temple, four to the north, and seven to the south, while the rest stood either to the east, or, perhaps, near the Heraion. We shall see also that many later statues, known to us from inscriptions only, stood outside the Altis, to the west and northwest.

STATUES NOT MENTIONED BY PAUSANIAS, BUT KNOWN FROM RECOVERED BASES.

Having established these data, it is not difficult, from the positions of the many inscribed fragmentary bases found at Olympia and referred to victor statues not mentioned by Pausanias, from the approximate dates of the victories as gained from the age of the inscriptions, and by again employing the system of groups already mentioned, to state quite definitely where many of these other statues stood. Pausanias, who mentions 187 victors with 192 monuments in his two ἔφοδοι, expressly states that he enumerates only those “who had some title to fame or whose statues were better made.”[2364] The reasons for his selection and the fact that he mentions the statue of no athlete certainly later than the middle of the second century B. C. (although we know from inscriptions that statues were set up far into the third century A. D., at least)[2365] have been subjects of much discussion, but hardly concern us here.[2366] The three latest statues of victors mentioned by Pausanias, whose dates are fixed, may be given: those of Kleitomachos, who won παγκράτιον and πύξ in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216 and 212 B. C.);[2367] of Kapros, victor in παγκράτιον and πάλη in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.);[2368] and of Akestorides, victor πώλων ἅρματι sometime between Ols. 142 and 144 (= 212 and 204 B. C.).[2369] Still later statues of victors named by Pausanias, whose dates can not be exactly determined, are those of Sodamas, who won παίδων στάδιον some time between Ols. 142 and 145 (= 212 and 200 B. C.);[2370] of Amyntas, victor in παίδων παγκράτιον in Ol. (?) 146 (= 196 B. C.);[2371] of Timon, victor in πένταθλον in Ols. 146 or 147 (= 196 or 192 B. C.);[2372] and of Lysippos, victor in παίδων πάλη some time between Ols. 149 and 157 (= 184 and 152 B. C.).[2373] Of the first century A. D., Pausanias mentions three victors without statues: Artemidoros, who won παγκράτιον in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.);[2374] Polites, victor in στάδιον, δίαυλος and δόλιχος in Ol. 212;[2375] and Hermogenes, victor in στάδιον twice, δίαυλος once, and as ὁπλίτης thrice, in Ols. 215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.).[2376] The words of Pliny, _Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat_[2377] refer, of course, as we have already pointed out, only to the privilege and not to the actual fact, for many victors would have no statues, as it was necessary for them or their relatives or city-states to meet the expenses of their erection.[2378] No more is the rest of his statement to be taken literally, _i. e._, that those victors who were victorious three times had the right to erect portrait statues in their honor; for we have, as has already been shown, at least one exception.[2379] Besides we know that portrait statues were practically unknown before the fourth century B. C. Most of the victor statues were mere types—those of Hermes and Herakles being common—without individualized features, simply representing the various contests by position or some characteristic, _e. g._, the helmet and shield for “hoplite” victors.[2380]

Five of these inscriptions have been referred to the sixth and fifth centuries B. C.[2381] Of these the inscribed base of Pantares was found near the South Altis wall, and the statue must originally have stood east of the temple of Zeus, near the chariot of Gelo (90), for these two were the only victors from Gela, and won in the same kind of contest and at nearly the same date.[2382] The statues of Phrikias of Pelinna and Phanas of Pellene, both representing victors in the heavy-armed race, to which I have ascribed the two archaic marble heads (Fig. 30), the former found west of the temple of Zeus and the latter to the south of it, must originally have stood in the area of the later temple and then have been removed.[2383] That of an unknown victor, whose name ended in ...αδας,[2384] the two fragments of whose base were found, one near the Heraion and the other to the east of the temple of Zeus, should have stood near the statues of the only other pancratiasts of a similar age, either near those of Dorieus (61), who won in Ols. 87 to 89 (= 432 to 424 B. C.), and Damagetos (62), who won in Ols. 82 and 83 (= 452 and 448 B. C.), in the zone of the _Bull_, or near that of Timasitheos (82), who won some time between Ols. (?) 65 and 67 inclusive (= 520 and 512 B. C.), in the zone of the _Victory_. Lastly, the second inscribed base of Xenombrotos (133), found near the Council-house outside the South Altis wall, doubtless once stood near the first (the epigram from which is preserved by Pausanias, VI, 14.12), along this wall to the east of the base of Telemachos.[2385]

No inscribed fragments of bases dating from the fourth century B. C. have been found.

Beginning with the third century B. C., we shall see that most of the recovered bases were found either in the western part of the Altis, in the neighborhood of the Philippeion, Theekoleon, and Leonidaion, on both sides of the West Altis wall, or still farther west and northwest, especially in or near the Palaistra and Prytaneion. We have already seen that most of the statues named by Pausanias dating from Alexander’s time stood to the west (and north) of the temple of Zeus. As Pausanias enumerates only statues ἐν δεξιᾷ of his route around the temple to the Great Altar, these statues farther west and northwest are omitted from his account. Of the four bases of statues referred to the third century, all belong to Elean victors; three were found west and northwest of the Prytaneion and beyond, showing that these statues once stood in the vicinity of this building, and the fourth was found farther south, by the Palaistra, where it probably stood. Thus the base of the wrestler Nikarchos, son of Physsias, was found in a late wall west of the Prytaneion;[2386] that of the statue of an unknown victor, son of Taurinos, was found at the southeast corner of the Palaistra;[2387] that of another unknown victor, the son of ...phinos, was found in the _Nordwestgraben_;[2388] the base of the statue of Thersonides, son of Paianodoros, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, was found northwest of the Prytaneion, between the Roman baths and east hall of the Gymnasion.[2389]

Of the four statues referred with certainty to the second century B. C., all but one were found to the west of the Altis, in a region ranging from the Philippeion, northwest of the temple of Zeus, to the Leonidaion southwest of it. Two of them were found outside the West Altis wall, between the Leonidaion and the Byzantine church. Thus the base of the statue of D...gonos, twice victor in πύξ, was found outside the apse of the Byzantine church and west of the West Altis wall;[2390] the fragments of that of an unknown boy victor in wrestling or the pankration were found in the East Byzantine wall;[2391] that of an unknown victor, συνωρίδι τελείᾳ (twice), and ἅρματι τελείῳ, was found south of the Philippeion.[2392] The fragment of the base of the statue of another unknown victor in wrestling, the son of the Elean Aigyptos, was found to the northeast of the Leonidaion.[2393]

Of the seven bases referred to the second and first centuries B. C., three were found in or near the Byzantine church, showing that such statues may have stood in the Greek building which was later converted into the church.[2394] Two more were found near the southwest corner of the Altis, and therefore may once have stood near the statue of Philonides, which Pausanias mentions as standing in that vicinity. Two others stood farther away, one inside the Prytaneion, the other northeast of the temple of Zeus. Thus the base of an unknown victor, the son of Aristotle, συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in front of the north side of the Byzantine church;[2395] that of Aristodamos, the son of Aleximachos of Elis, was found in the floor of the church;[2396] that of an unknown victor was found northeast of the temple of Zeus;[2397] that of a victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, whose name ended in ...chos, the son of the Elean Nikodromos, was found southwest of the Altis before the West Altis wall;[2398] the base of two unknown victors from Elis were found respectively in the Prytaneion[2399] and northwest of the Byzantine church,[2400] while that of another Elean, Antigenes, the son of Jason, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, was found in the southwest corner of the Altis.[2401]

The positions of the twenty-four bases (belonging to monuments of twenty-two victors) with certainty referred to the first pre-Christian century were very scattered. One large Pentelic marble _bathron_, supporting the monuments of seven victors of the family of Philistos, must have stood just south of the Philippeion, where most of the fragments were found. The bases of the statues of two other sons and a grandson of the same victor have been recovered, and doubtless stood near by, thus forming a family group of ten, outnumbering that of Diagoras (59-63 and 52) mentioned by Pausanias. The omission of so important a monument in the description of the Periegete has, of course, been used as an indication of his employment of earlier lists. Of the other bases, two were found outside the South Altis wall, west of the Council-house, and two east of it; two east of the temple of Zeus (one of them that of the youthful Tiberius, afterwards Roman emperor, which must have stood near the _Eretrian Bull_, where it was found); one southwest of the temple, along the South Terrace wall, pointing to a position among the statues there named by Pausanias; one east of the Byzantine church, pointing to a position south of the Theekoleon, two to the northwest of the Altis in the vicinity of the Prytaneion; while the others were found scattered all the way from the northeastern part of the Altis to the bed of the Kladeos. Thus over half (13) of these statue-bases were found in the west and northwest of the Altis and beyond; the space to the east of the temple of Zeus—called _frequentissimus celeberrimusque_ by Scherer—seems now not to have been greatly prized. Most of these victories were gained in hippic contests. Horse-racing had early been discontinued, but was revived at the end of the first century B. C., when members of the imperial family, emulating the earlier triumphs of the princes of Sicily and Macedonia, became competitors. Thus Tiberius won in the chariot-race, and a few years later his nephew Germanicus in the same event. The list of these bases of victor statues of the first century B. C. and their provenience follows. A fragment of the base of the victor Agilochos, son of Nikeas of Elis, victor κέλητι πωλικῷ, was found in the East Byzantine wall.[2402] One fragment of the _bathron_ of the family group of the Elean Philistos,[2403] victors in hippic contests, was found southwest of the Pelopion, while four others were discovered south of the Philippeion; the base of the statue of Philonikos, a son of Philistos, was also found south of the Philippeion,[2404] and that of another unnamed son was discovered to the west of the Prytaneion,[2405] while the place of finding of that of Charops, the son of Telemachos, has not been recorded.[2406] The base of the monument of Aristarchos was found east of the Byzantine church,[2407] that of Damaithidas, son of Menippos of Elis, a victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, west of the Council-house (south building),[2408] and that of Thrasymachos (or Thrasymedes) in the _Nordostgraben_.[2409] A fragment of the base of the statue of Demokrates of Antioch in Karia was found in the bed of the river Kladeos,[2410] that of a victor whose name began with Demo..., northeast of the Prytaneion,[2411] while that of Thaliarchos, the son of Soterichos of Elis, victor πὺξ παίδων καὶ ἀνδρῶν, was found east of the Council-house.[2412] Bases from two statues of Menedemos, son of Menedemos of Elis, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, were found, one east of the temple of Zeus, the other inside the Heraion.[2413] Lykomedes, the son of Aristodemos of Elis, victor συνωρίδι πωλικῇ, also had two statues; the base of one was found in front of the West Byzantine wall on the south side of the temple of Zeus, that of the other in the _Westgraben_.[2414] The front part of the base of the statue of Archiadas, the son of Timolas of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ, was discovered southwest of the temple of Zeus, on the Terrace wall.[2415] That of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος, the son of ...krates of Miletos, was found near the _Osthalle_,[2416] while that inscribed with the name of Tiberius Claudius Nero of Rome, who won a victory τεθρίππῳ just before the end of the century, was found south of the _Eretrian Bull_.[2417]

Nineteen inscribed base-fragments have been referred to the post-Christian centuries, thirteen to the first, three to the second, and three to the third. The spaces around the temple of Zeus (especially its eastern front) are again the favorite ones. Thus the bases of three statues were found east of the temple (one _in situ_), two near its southeastern corner, three at the northeastern corner (one, that of Germanicus Cæsar, the nephew of Tiberius, just to the north of the _Eretrian Bull_, and so originally standing here near that of his uncle), while another stood opposite the fifth column from the east on the north side of the temple. Most of these statues must have been passed by Pausanias in his first ἔφοδος, which is, perhaps, another evidence of his dependence on older lists in compiling his own. Two other bases were found to the southwest of the temple, one of them near its corner, and the other nearer the corner of the Altis, _i. e._, near the base of the statue of Philonides (154a). Thus eleven statues stood near the temple. Of the others, four were found in the vicinity of the Palaistra (one inside _in situ_), one to the northeast of the Prytaneion, another northeast of the Byzantine church, while the two remaining ones were found in the eastern part of the Altis, near the entrance to the Stadion and before the Echo Colonnade respectively. The base of the last statue of a victor known to have been erected at Olympia, that of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, previously mentioned, was found _in situ_ in the Palaistra. We append a detailed list of these bases, giving the provenience of each.

Of the first century A. D., the fore part of the base of the monument of Germanicus, son of Nero Claudius Drusus, was found east of the temple of Zeus, north of the _Eretrian Bull_;[2418] the base of that of Gnaios Markios was found opposite the southeast corner of the temple;[2419] that of Markos Antonios Kallippos Peisanos, son of M. Antonios Alexion of Elis, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in Ol. 177 (= 72 A. D.), was found in the West Byzantine wall at the southwest corner of the temple.[2420] The base of the monument of Polyxenos, son of Apollophanes of Zakynthos, victor in πάλη παίδων, was discovered at the southwest corner of the Altis far from its probable original location;[2421] that of P. Kornelios Ariston, son of Eirenaios of Ephesos, victor in παγκράτιον παίδων in Ol. 207 (= 49 A. D.), in front of the north wall of the Palaistra;[2422] the marble plate from that of Tiberios Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?), who won κέλητι τελείῳ in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.), was unearthed near its semicircular base, which was found _in situ_ east of the temple.[2423] Four fragments of the base of the monument of the boy pancratiast Nikanor, son of Sokles of Ephesos, were recovered east of the temple, and another one near its southeastern corner.[2424] The base of that of Markos Deida of Antioch, victor in πάλη παίδων in Ol. 219 (= 97 A. D.), was found southeast of the temple;[2425] that of an unknown victor in the δίαυλος and as ὁπλίτης (three times) in the North Byzantine wall;[2426] that of Hermas, son of Ision of Antioch, a victor in παγκράτιον, between the West Altis wall and the southeastern corner of the Palaistra;[2427] that of Diogenes, son of Dionysios of Ephesos, victor σαλπίγγι five times, before the centre of the Echo Colonnade.[2428] The inscribed fragments of the bronze legs of the statues of two unknown victors have also been excavated, the one near the starting-place in the Stadion,[2429] the other near the fifth column from the east on the north side of the temple of Zeus.[2430]

Of the second century A. D., we have the following bases: that of Kasia M[nasithea], daughter of M. Betilenos (or Vetulenos) Laitos of Elis, who won ἅρματι πωλικῷ, was found northeast of the Prytaneion;[2431] the upper part of the pedestal of the _quadriga_ of L. Minicius Natalis of Rome, victor ἅρματι τελείῳ in Ol. 227 (= 129 A. D.), was unearthed in the east wall of the Palaistra.[2432] The base of the statue erected to the herald P. Ailios Artemas of Laodikeia (in Phrygia?) was found 20 meters north of the northeastern corner of the temple of Zeus.[2433]

Of the third century A. D., _i. e._, after the time of Pausanias, we have these bases: that of P. Ailios Alkandridas, son of Damokratidas of Sparta, twice victor in (?) πάλη, was found northeast of the Byzantine church;[2434] that of Theopropos of Rhodes, who won κέλητι, was unearthed east of the temple of Zeus, just south of the basis of the _Nike_ of Paionios;[2435] the base of the statue of Valerios Eklektos of Sinope, victor as κῆρυξ in Ols. 256, 258-260 (= 245, 253-261 A. D.), was found _in situ_ in the Palaistra.[2436] We should add for this century also the inscribed bronze diskos, the votive (not victor) offering of Poplios (Publius) Asklepiades of Corinth, which was found 2.5 meters south of the Southwest gate of the Altis.[2437]

A study of these inscriptions shows that the practice of setting up victor statues decreased in the fourth and third centuries B. C., but was revived in the second and first, only to decrease again after the first century A. D. On the other hand, the inscriptions show that the number of “honor” statues correspondingly increased. Of the later statues, most were erected to Eleans; names of victors from Sicily and Italy, and from the older Greek states, as Sparta and Athens, are rare, being replaced by those from Asia Minor and the newer towns of the Greek mainland. This falling off of interest in the games was largely due to professionalism. In the second century B. C., we begin to read in the inscriptions of περιοδονῖκαι, _i. e._, victors winning prizes at all the four national games, a sure indication of the professional spirit. Even Pausanias mentions two such victors.[2438]

From these inscribed base-fragments, we have knowledge of 61 victors (63 monuments)[2439] who had statues erected to them, though they are not named in the lists of Pausanias. Of the 192 monuments mentioned by Pausanias, 40 are known to us from recovered fragments of bases and statues. So if we assume the same ratio between known and unknown for those not mentioned by Pausanias, we should have the proportion 40 : 192 : : 63 : _x_, where _x_ would equal 302, making a grand total of 494 monuments, which number can not be far from the actual number of victor statues adorning the Altis.[2440]

OLYMPIC VICTOR MONUMENTS ERECTED OUTSIDE OLYMPIA.

In Chapter I, we showed that frequently statues or other monuments were erected in their native towns as a part of the honor paid to Olympic victors. We shall now give a list of all such monuments set up in various parts of the Greek world which are known to us from notices in ancient literature and from inscriptions.[2441] These, like the statues in the Altis, range in date from the seventh century B. C. to the fourth A. D., and offer still greater variety in the kinds of dedication. It will be best to arrange the list as far as possible chronologically and in numerical sequence, adding the authorities for the dates of the various victories in the footnotes.[2442]

Victors with monuments of the seventh century B. C.:

1. Chionis, of Sparta.[2443] Besides his statue by Myron and the tablet containing a list of his victories at Olympia mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 13.2), the same writer records a similar tablet in Sparta, erected near the royal tomb of the Agids, likewise set up by his townspeople (III, 14.3). The Spartan tablet, like the monuments in his honor at Olympia, was doubtless set up long after the victory, about Ols. 77 or 78 (= 472 or 468 B. C.).

2. Kylon, of Athens.[2444] Pausanias records that a bronze statue of this victor stood upon the Athenian Akropolis, erected, as he supposes, in honor of his beauty and reputation as an Olympic victor (I, 28.1). Kylon was the leader of the well-known conspiracy of 632 B. C., when he tried to make himself tyrant of Athens.[2445] Furtwaengler has proposed the theory that this monument was not set up in honor of Kylon by the Athenians, as Pausanias says, but that it was a dedication by his family after his Olympic victory.[2446] A. Schaefer,[2447] however, more justly believed that the statue was an expiatory offering for the massacre of Kylon’s companions on the Akropolis,[2448] set up in the time of Perikles, the date of which would account for the “beauty” of the statue. Still another scholar[2449] believes that Pausanias’ remark was called forth by the epigram on the statue.[2450]

3. Hipposthenes, of Sparta.[2451] Pausanias records that a temple was dedicated to him in Sparta, where he received divine worship (III, 15.7). It has been argued that the words of Pausanias (_l. c._) show that Hipposthenes here was worshiped only in the character of Poseidon, whose epithet was ἵππιος (_cf._ P., I, 30.4).[2452]

Of the sixth century B. C.:

4. Hetoimokles, son of Hipposthenes of Sparta.[2453] Pausanias mentions a statue of this victor at Sparta (III, 13.9).

5. Arrhachion, of Phigalia.[2454] Pausanias records the stone statue in the archaic pose, and with weathered inscription, erected to this victor in the market-place at Phigalia (VIII, 40.1), which we have discussed at length in the preceding chapter (Fig. 79).

6. Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, of Athens.[2455] Aelian mentions αἱ Κίμωνος ἵπποι χαλκαῖ, very true to the originals, in Athens,[2456] which seem to have been set up in honor of his three chariot victories at Olympia. His first victory was won when he was in banishment at the hands of the tyrant Peisistratos, son of Hippokrates. Having entered his horses under the tyrant’s name for the second contest, he was in consequence recalled, and a third time entered them and won under his own name.[2457] The pseudo-Andokides confuses this older Kimon with the younger, when he calls the latter an Olympic victor.[2458] Similarly a scholiast on Aristophanes[2459] confuses him with Megakles, who won a victory τεθρίππῳ in Ol. 47 (= 592 B. C.).[2460]

7. Philippos, son of Boutakides, of Kroton.[2461] The people of Egesta in Sicily erected a shrine over his grave in their town, and paid him divine honors on account of his beauty, in which he surpassed all his contemporaries.[2462]

Of the fifth century B. C.:

8. Astylos, or Astyalos, of Kroton.[2463] Besides mentioning his statue by Pythagoras of Rhegion at Olympia, Pausanias in the same passage (VI, 13.1) mentions another in the temple of Lakinian Hera near Kroton, which his fellow-townsmen pulled down in anger, because he had called himself a Syracusan in order to please the Sicilian tyrant Hiero.[2464] Collignon believes that the statue at Kroton was also a copy of the work of Pythagoras at Olympia.[2465]

9. Euthymos, son of Astykles, of Lokroi Epizephyrioi in South Italy.[2466] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Pythagoras, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.4-6),[2467] we know of another statue by Pythagoras set up in Lokroi in honor of this victor.[2468] According to Kallimachos, both statues were struck by lightning at the same time. Other writers tell wondrous tales of this boxer.[2469]

10. Theagenes, son of Timosthenes, of Thasos, one of the most famous Olympic victors.[2470] Besides his statue at Olympia by Glaukias of Aegina (VI, 11.2 and 9), Pausanias says that he knows of many other places in Greece and elsewhere where images of this victor were set up (VI, 11.9), and records one at Thasos to which the Thasians sacrificed as to a god (VI, 11.6). The story which he tells about this Thasian statue being scourged and falling on the enemy of Theagenes is also recounted at greater length by Dio Chrysostom[2471] and is mentioned by Eusebios.[2472] Lucian says that the statue cured fevers, just as did that of Polydamas at Olympia.[2473] Studniczka has argued that the statues at Thasos and elsewhere were set up to honor the hero and not the victor.[2474]

11. Ladas, of Sparta.[2475] Two fourth-century epigrams celebrate the fleetness of Ladas, and the second names Myron as the statuary of a bronze statue of him.[2476] Pausanias mentions a statue of the same victor in the temple of Apollo Lykios in Argos (II, 19.7). Whether the latter statue was identical with the one named in the epigram can not be finally determined.[2477] Pausanias refers to a stadion of Ladas, situated between Mantinea and Orchomenos in Arkadia, in which Ladas practiced running (VIII, 12.5), and also to his grave between Belemina and Sparta (III, 21.1).

12. Kallias, son of Didymias of Athens.[2478] Apart from his statue at Olympia made by the Athenian painter and sculptor Mikon, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 6.1),[2479] there was a dedication to him at Athens, as we learn from the preserved inscription, which enumerates his thirteen victories at Olympia and elsewhere.[2480]

13. Diagoras, son of Damagetos, of Rhodes, the most famous of Greek boxers.[2481] In addition to his statue at Olympia by Kallikles, son of Theokosmos of Megara, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 7.1-2) as standing among the group of statues of his sons and grandsons, we learn from the scholiast on Pindar, _Ol._ VII, Argum., who quotes Gorgon as his authority,[2482] that this ode, which celebrated the Olympic victory of Diagoras, was attached in golden letters to the walls of the temple of Athena at Lindos.

14. Agias, of Pharsalos.[2483] We have already, in Ch. VI, discussed the group of marble statues set up at Delphi by Daochos of Pharsalos in honor of his ancestors who had won in various athletic contests, which was discovered by the French excavators there in 1894. We there mentioned that Preuner found the same metrical inscription which appeared on the base of the statue of Agias, the best preserved of the group (Pl. 28 and Fig. 68), in the journal of Stackelberg,[2484] who had copied it in the early part of the nineteenth century from a base in Pharsalos which has since disappeared. This Thessalian inscription contained the additional words that Lysippos of Sikyon was the sculptor. In both inscriptions the victories of Agias at Olympia and elsewhere are noted. Thus we know of two statues of Agias, one at Delphi, the other at Pharsalos, both presumably by Lysippos. Preuner also thinks that a third statue may have stood in Olympia.

15. Cheimon, of Argos.[2485] In mentioning the statue of Cheimon at Olympia by the sculptor Naukydes of Argos, Pausanias, in the same passage (VI, 9.3), records another which once stood in Argos, but was later removed to the temple of Peace in Rome.[2486]

16. Leon, son of Antikleidas (or Antalkidas), of Sparta.[2487] A fragment of Polemon[2488] mentions a statue of this victor. It may have stood in Olympia, as Foerster without good grounds assumes, or it may have stood elsewhere.

17. Eubotas (Eubatas or Eubatos), of Kyrene.[2489] Besides his statue at Olympia recorded by Pausanias (VI, 8.3), we learn of another set up at Kyrene by the victor’s wife for his devotion.[2490]

18. Promachos, son of Dryon, of Pellene in Achaia.[2491] Pausanias not only mentions a bronze statue of this victor at Olympia (VI, 8.5-6), but also records one of stone dedicated likewise by his townsmen in the Old Gymnasion of Pellene (VII, 27.5).

Of the fifth or fourth centuries B. C.:

19. An unknown victor, of Argos or (?) Tegea.[2492] Aristotle mentions an inscription from a statue of an Olympic victor in two passages of his _Rhetoric_.[2493] This epigram was repeated by Aristophanes of Byzantion,[2494] who wrongly ascribed it to Simonides.[2495] Where this statue stood can not be determined.

Of the fourth century B. C.:

20. Kyniska, daughter of Archidamos I, of Sparta.[2496] Pausanias, before mentioning the monumental group at Olympia by Apellas of Megara, which consisted of the statues of Kyniska and her charioteer standing beside a huge bronze chariot and horses (VI. 1.6), and the small bronze chariot by the same sculptor, set up in her honor in the vestibule of the temple of Zeus (V, 12.5), records that there was a shrine in Sparta at Plane-tree Grove, near the youths’ exercise ground, erected to the heroine Kyniska (III, 15.1). This latter dedication, therefore, was not properly a victor monument, though Pausanias in the same book says that Kyniska was the first Greek woman to train horses and to win a prize at Olympia (III, 8.1).

21. Euryleonis, a victress of Sparta.[2497] Pausanias says that she had a statue in her native city near the so-called Σκήνωμα, “Tent” (III, 17.6). Curtius has suggested that this may be the small building mentioned by Thukydides as the place where King Pausanias took refuge when pursued by the ephors.[2498]

22. Archias, son of Eukles, of Hybla.[2499] An epigram in the _Greek Anthology_[2500] speaks of a statue of this victor at Delphi.

23. [Phil]okrates, son of Antiphon, of Athens (deme of Krioa).[2501] An inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in Athens.[2502]

24. An unknown victor. An inscribed base, found near the Portico of Attalos in Athens, records the victories of an unknown athlete at several games, including one in the παγκράτιον ἀνδρῶν at Olympia.[2503]

25. Phorystas, son of Thriax (or Triax), of (?) Tanagra.[2504] The inscribed base of the statue of this victor, giving Kaphisias of Bœotia as the sculptor, has been discovered in the ruins of Tanagra.[2505] His brother Pammachos won παγκράτιον παίδων at Nemea, and had a statue at Thebes, the work of Teisikrates, the inscribed base of which has been recovered.[2506]

Of the fourth or third centuries B. C.:

26. Aristophon, son of Lysinos, of Athens.[2507] Besides his statue at Olympia, set up at the cost of the people of Athens, mentioned by Pausanias (VI, 13.11; _cf._ VI, 14.1), we have the inscription from the base of another which was set up on the Athenian Akropolis.[2508]

27. Attalos, father of King Attalos I,[2509] of Pergamon.[2510] The inscribed base of his great victor monument, erected by Epigonos, has been dis- covered at Pergamon.[2511]

Of the second century B. C.: none.

Of the first century B. C.: none.

Of the first century A. D.:

28. Xenodamos, of Antikyra in Phokis.[2512] Pausanias mentions a bronze statue of this victor in the Old Gymnasion at Antikyra (X, 36.9). G. Hirschfeld[2513] had objected to the statement of Pausanias, in the passage cited, “that this was the only Olympiad omitted in the Elean register,” because of its inconsistency with other passages which state that in the 8th Olympiad,[2514] in the 34th,[2515] and in the 104th,[2516] the games were celebrated by intruders, and not by the Eleans, and hence these Olympiads were regarded as invalid and were not entered in the Elean registers. However, as Frazer points out,[2517] the case with Ol. 211 was different. It was doubtless celebrated by the Eleans themselves and its validity was not questioned, but either it was never entered in the register, or, if entered, was later struck out. Africanus (_cf._ Philostratos)[2518] says that the celebration of this Olympiad, which should have fallen 65 A. D., was deferred two years to favor Nero, who in 67 A. D. received prizes in six events, including the ten-horse chariot-race.[2519] The Eleans, later being ashamed of thus favoring the tyrant, probably removed Ol. 211 from the register after his death. It may be that for the same reason statues of victors of that Olympiad were not set up in the Altis, which would explain why that of Xenodamos was set up in his native city, where Pausanias saw it. Not finding his name in the Elean register, Pausanias would reason that this victory fell in the disgraced Ol. 211.[2520]

28a. Titos Phlabios Artemidoros, son of Artemidoros, of Adana in Kilikia.[2521] The inscribed marble tablet from the base of the statue which this victor erected in Naples in honor of his father Artemidoros, son of Athenodoros, is preserved. It contains a list of his own many victories in παγκράτιον and πάλη in games held in Greece, Italy, Asia Minor, and Egypt. Though the statue was erected to his father, the long inscription shows that it was intended quite as much to celebrate his own athletic prowess.[2522]

29. Titos Phlabios Metrobios, son of Demetrios, of Iasos, Karia.[2523] The inscribed base of his statue has been found in Iasos.[2524]

30. Sarapion, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2525] Pausanias mentions two statues of this victor, which stood on either side of the entrance to the Gymnasion in Elis known as the Maltho. He adds that they were erected by the Eleans in gratitude for the bestowal of corn in a time of famine (VI, 23.6). He is not to be confounded with other victors of the same name.[2526]

Of the second century A. D.:

31. Markos Aurelios Demetrios, of Alexandria, Egypt.[2527] His son, M. Aurelios Asklepiades, dedicated a statue to him in Rome, the inscription from the base of which has been recovered.[2528]

32. Unknown victor, from Magnesia ad Sipylum, in Lydia.[2529] His statue in Magnesia is known from the recovered inscribed base.[2530]

33. Kranaos or Granianos, of Sikyon.[2531] Pausanias mentions a bronze statue of this victor as standing in the precincts of the temple of Asklepios, on the hill of Titane, near Sikyon (II, 11.8).

34. Titos Ailios Aurelios Apollonios, of Tarsos.[2532] A statue of this victor stood in Athens, as we learn from its preserved inscribed base.[2533]

35. Mnasiboulos, of Elateia in Phokis.[2534] His fellow citizens erected a bronze statue in honor of his repelling the robber horde of the Kostobokoi, who overran Greece in the days of Pausanias (X, 34.5). The statue stood in “Runner” street.

Of the third century A. D.:

36. Aurelios Toalios, of (?) Oinoanda, Lykia.[2535] The inscribed base of the statue of this victor has been found in Oinoanda.[2536]

37. Aurelios Metrodoros, of Kyzikos.[2537] The inscribed base of his statue was found in Kyzikos, and is now in Constantinople.[2538]

38. Valerios Eklektos, of Sinope.[2539] Besides his monument at Olympia, which was erected immediately after 261 A. D.,[2540] we know, from an inscription, of another statue dedicated to him in Athens some time between 253 and 257 A. D.[2541]

Of the fourth century A. D.:

39. Klaudios Rhouphos, also called Apollonios the Pisan, son of Klaudios Apollonios, of Smyrna.[2542] We learn from an inscription found in the Baths of Titus in Rome that his statue stood in the council-chamber of the Guild of Athletes of Hercules at Rome.[2543]

40. Philoumenos, of Philadelphia, in Lydia.[2544] The closing verse of an inscription belonging to the base of his statue is preserved in Panodoros.[2545] Where the statue stood can not be determined.

Of unknown dates:

41. Ainetos, of (?) Amyklai.[2546] Pausanias mentions the portrait statue of this victor at Amyklai (III, 18. 7). He says that he expired even while the crown was being placed on his head.

42. Nikokles, of Akriai in Lakonia.[2547] Pausanias mentions a monument (μνῆμα) erected in his honor at Akriai, between the Gymnasion and the sea-wall (III, 22.5).

43. Aigistratos, son of Polykreon, of Lindos in Rhodes.[2548] A statue of this victor was set up at Lindos, as we learn from the preserved inscription on its base found there.[2549] He is called in the inscription the first Lindian victor at Olympia.

44. An unknown victor, of (?) Delphi.[2550] The inscribed base of his statue, with remains of the dedication, was found many years ago at Delphi by Cockerell.[2551]

We have records of other monuments erected to victors, but it is not clear whether the victories recorded were won at Olympia or elsewhere. We list the following three doubtful cases, which have already been noted in earlier chapters:

1. Epicharinos. Pausanias mentions the statue Ἐπιχαρίνου ὁπλιτοδρομεῖν ἀσκήσαντος, by the sculptor Kritios, as standing upon the Athenian Akropolis (I, 23.9). The inscribed base of this monument was found in 1839, between the Propylaia and the Parthenon.[2552] The inscription states that the statue was the joint work of Kritios (thus correcting the spelling Κριτίας of Pausanias) and Nesiotes. It was, therefore, a work of the first half of the fifth century B. C., the date of the sculptors of the _Tyrannicides_ (Fig. 32). Ross added the word ὁπλιτοδρόμος after the name in the inscription. Michaelis,[2553] however, has inserted the name of the victor’s father. Wilamowitz[2554] went further and assumed that Polemon, from whom Pausanias derived the account, had already falsely restored the inscription and that the statue did not represent Epicharinos, but another victor. This theory has been rightly controverted by many scholars.[2555] It is clear that Pausanias got his information from the monument, and not from the inscription.

2. Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos or Euthynos. Pausanias mentions the statue of the pancratiast Hermolykos as standing on the Akropolis at Athens (I, 23.10). This was probably Hermolykos the pancratiast, who is recorded by Herodotos as having distinguished himself at the battle of Mykale in 479 B. C., and as having been afterwards killed in battle at Kyrnos in Euboia and buried at Geraistos.[2556] Some scholars have advocated the theory that the portrait statue here mentioned by Pausanias was none other than the statue which stood on the Akropolis on the base which was discovered in 1839, dedicated by Hermolykos, the son of Diitrephes, the work of the sculptor Kresilas,[2557] and that the Periegete mistook the latter for the one mentioned by Herodotos.[2558] However, Frazer finds this explanation “arbitrary and highly improbable,” and believes that the base in question supported the statue of Diitrephes, pierced with arrows, also mentioned by Pausanias (I, 23.3).[2559] Kirchhoff distinguished not only the statue of Hermolykos mentioned by Pausanias and the dedication of Hermolykos revealed by the recovered base, but both of these from the statue of the wounded man mentioned by Pliny (_H. N._, XXXIV, 74). While J. Six assumed that Hermolykos, son of Diitrephes, dedicated the Kresilæan statue in honor of his grandfather Hermolykos, son of Euthoinos, and that Pausanias wrongly gathered from the inscribed base that the statue represented Diitrephes,[2560] Furtwaengler believed that Diitrephes was the older warrior of the name, mentioned by Thukydides,[2561] and that Pausanias, who knew nothing of him, wrongly connected his statue with the younger one of that name.[2562]

3. Isokrates, son of Theodoros, of Athens. The pseudo-Plutarch mentions a bronze statue of Isokrates, in the form of a παῖς κελητίζων, on the Athenian Akropolis.[2563] As the orator was born in 436 B. C., his youthful victory among the horse-racers must have occurred about 420 B. C.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS.

We have found, then, from the literary sources examined, that there are at least 44 Olympic victors, to whom a total of 47 monuments were erected outside Olympia.[2564] These monuments were of various kinds—1 inscribed tablet, 1 Pindaric ode engrossed on a temple wall, 3 temples or shrines, 37 statues (one of them apparently iconic), bronze horses (? quadriga), and 4 dedications which are not further described. Thus the bulk of these monuments, as of those at Olympia, consisted of statues. Of the 29 monuments erected to 27 victors in the pre-Christian centuries, 3 were dedicated in the seventh,[2565] 4 in the sixth, 13 (to 11 victors) in the fifth, 1 in the fifth or fourth, 6 in the fourth,[2566] 1 in the fourth or third, and 1 in the third. There is no record of such a dedication in the second and first centuries B. C. Of the 14 monuments erected to 13 victors known to belong to the post-Christian centuries, 4 (to 3 victors) belong to the first, 5 to the second, 3 to the third and 2 to the fourth; 4 others were set up to 4 victors whose dates can not be determined. Of other monuments mentioned (though not included in our figures) 3 may or may not have been erected to Olympic victors. We find that the greatest number of dedications was made in the fifth century B. C., just as we found was the case in regard to those at Olympia.[2567] Of these victors, 10 also had monuments at Olympia. The total number of Olympic victor monuments, therefore, at Olympia and elsewhere of which we have record, amounts to 302.[2568]

STATISTICS OF OLYMPIC VICTOR STATUARIES.

In conclusion, we shall briefly summarize the number and dates of the sculptors of Olympic victor monuments who are known to us from all sources.[2569] Pausanias names 52 such sculptors, who made 102 of the 192 monuments listed by him. Of the 42 “honor” statues erected in the Altis to 35 men, Pausanias mentions only two sculptors, Lysippos, who also appears among the victor statuaries, and Mikon of Syracuse, who does not.[2570] Pliny names 24, or nearly one-half of the athlete sculptors mentioned by Pausanias.[2571] No new name of an artist appears either on the inscribed bases found at Olympia and referred to the monuments recorded by Pausanias, or on the 63 bases discovered there, which can not be so referred. Of the 52 sculptors known to us from Pausanias and inscriptions, the dates can be assigned definitely or approximately thus: of the seventh century B. C., none; of the sixth century B. C., second half, 2; end, 2; of the end of the sixth and beginning of the fifth centuries B. C., 1; of the fifth century B. C., first half, 9; middle, 4; second half, 3; end, 2; of the fourth century B. C., first half, 11; middle, 1; second half, 2; end, 3; of the end of the fourth and beginning of the third centuries B. C., 3; of the third century B. C., first half, 1; second half, 1; end, 2; of the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B. C., 1; of the second century B. C., first half, 2. No sculptor is named who lived certainly later than the second century B. C. In addition to these results, 1 sculptor can be assigned only roughly to the period subsequent to Alexander the Great, and the epoch of still another can not be determined. Of the 37 statues listed above as erected to Olympic victors outside Olympia—_i. e.>/i>, the major portion of the whole number of 47 monuments of various sorts set up in honor of 44 victors—the names of only four artists are known. Three of these—Myron, Pythagoras of Rhegion, and Lysippos—also worked at Olympia. The name, therefore, of only one new sculptor, Kaphisias of Bœotia, who lived in the fourth century B. C., can be added from this source, which makes the grand total of victor statuaries known to us 53.

[Illustration: PLAN A

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA IN THE GREEK PERIOD (THIRD CENTURY B. C.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld ]

[Illustration: PLAN B

THE ALTIS AT OLYMPIA IN THE ROMAN PERIOD (SECOND CENTURY A. D.)

Adapted from Doerpfeld ]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 8-9.

[2] See _infra_, p. 228 and n. 2.

[3] _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, fig. 7 and pp. 12-14. The horse also appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see _Arch. Eph._, 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, _The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse_, 1905, p. 480.

[4] See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned below: Angelo Mosso, _The Palaces of Crete_, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and Mosso (_cf._ p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos.

[5] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901-2, p. 74; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 216-218; H. R. Hall, _Anc. History of the Near East_, 1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, _Days in Attica_, 1914, Pl. II; Richter, _Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art_, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ _Atlas_ has not yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.

[6] It has often been pictured and described: _e. g._, Schliemann, _Tiryns_, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_, 1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, _The Mycenæan Age_, 1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, _The Art of the Greeks_, 1906, Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; _Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d. Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen_, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.

[7] On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt (see Rodenwaldt, _A. M._, XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201, restored; see also _Tiryns_, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes, who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, _op. cit._, p. 58 and n. 1; _id._, _Aegean Archæology_, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p. 192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: _l. c._

[8] XV, 679 f. F. Marx, _Jb._, IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river divinities.

[9] Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 298, fig. 98.

[10] See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.

[11] Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie, _The Sea Kings of Crete_, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII (restored).

[12] See Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_, 1907, p. 5. The one at Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: _Iliad_, XVIII, 590-2.

[13] _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, pp. 72-4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III; Baikie, _op. cit._, Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XXX, 2; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 222, fig. 102; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228.

[14] Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still adhere to the head of one statuette.

[15] See Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 221, fig. 101; _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-01, p. 88.

[16] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, pp. 55-6. Though discovered in 1889 in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often pictured: _e. g._, _Arch. Eph._, 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III (App., pp. 350 f.); _B. C. H._, IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color), XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 227-8, figs. 113-114; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786-7, figs. 369-370; H. B. Walters, _op. cit._, Pl. V; Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 223 f., figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, _op. cit._, Pl. XV. 1, and _cf. id._, _Ancient History of the Near East_, pp. 54-5, n. 1; Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104-5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient Times_, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.

[17] This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s grave at Knossos: see Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 88 and _cf._ pp. 136-7. Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the other raised to strike: see Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_, 1906, p. 57, fig. 59; _cf._ also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3-4, (lion-hunt by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); _cf._ Tsountas-Manatt, _op. cit._, pp. 200-2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3; Schuchhardt, _op. cit._, p. 229, fig. 227; _cf._ Burrows, _op. cit._, p. 136.

[18] _Op. cit._, pp. 224-5.

[19] See Boeckh, p. 319, on _Pyth._, II, 78. The same word occurs also in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; _C. I. G._, II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: _ibid._, III, 4157 (line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται; _ibid._, II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. 2, is wrong in connecting the _taurokathapsia_ with the hunting-field instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned (in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, _Rhein. Mus._, XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast fights were common in Asia Minor.

[20] _Cf._ Mosso, _op. cit._, pp. 214-215.

[21] Iliad, XVIII, 605-6 (= Od., IV, 18-19).

[22] Iliad, XVI, 742-50.

[23] Hdt., VI, 129.

[24] No. 243; see Salzmann, _Le Nécropole de Cameiros_, Pl. LVII; Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.

[25] _E. g._, on one found at Knossos in 1903: _B. S. A._, IX, 1902-3, p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in _B. S. A._, IX, p. 57, n. 2.

[26] Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description, _ibid._, pp. 61-2.

[27] _Op. cit._, p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and running: _A. Z._, III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.

[28] P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; _cf._ VI, 21.6. Aristotle assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a Cretan origin: _Politics_, II, 10f., 1271b., f.

[29] See R. Paribeni, _Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, XII, 1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, _ibid._, XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f., fig. 1; Burrows, _op. cit._, Pl. 1; Mosso, _op. cit._, p. 212. fig. 93; Hall, _Aegean Archæology_, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia, whence our plate); _cf. id._, _Anc. Hist. Near East_, Pl. IV., 5. A copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see _Hbk. of Classical Collection_, p. 16, fig. 8.

[30] Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in 1902: _B. S. A._, VIII, 1901-2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig. 95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b. Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions: _e. g._, on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the one in Candia already mentioned, _ibid._, fig. 98; _cf._ Bosanquet, Excavations at Praisos, _B. S. A._, VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull has been surprised by a hunter.

[31] Iliad, XXII, 308 f.

[32] XXIII, 673.

[33] _B. S. A._, VII, 1900-1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.

[34] We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C.

[35] _The Iliad_,^2 1900, II, p. 468.

[36] Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).

[37] Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land “that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.; XXIII, 630 f.

[38] _E. g._, on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, _Sarcophagi in the British Museum_, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).

[39] The true _hoplomachia_ described by Homer and later practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (_cf._ Athenæus, IV, 41, p. 154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian _Theseia_ and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like fencing: Plato, _Laches_, 182B and _passim_; _Gorgias_, 456D; _de Leg._, 833E; _cf._ Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _Hoplomachia_.

[40] _E. g._, Leaf, in his _Companion to the Iliad_, 1892, p. 380; _id._, _The Iliad_, II, p. 417, note on line 621.

[41] Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; _ibid._, 621-3, where Achilles gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103 and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.

[42] _E. g._, Iliad, XXII, 163-4: “The great prize ... of a man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756, in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.

[43] Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar, _Ol._, IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144 (Apollo) and schol.; etc.

[44] P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests were funerary in character.

[45] The scholiast on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 424 B, and _Isthm._, Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games funerary; Clem. Alex., _Protrept._, Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by Eusebios, _Praep. evang._, II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great games were funerary in origin.

[46] P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, 401 P.

[47] P., II, 15.2-3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, _Fab._, 74; schol. on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.

[48] Aristotle, _Peplos_, frag. = _F. H. G._, II, p. 189, no. 282; Clem. Alex., _Protr._, Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg., _Fab._, 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XVIII, 12; _cf._ schol. on Pind., _Pyth._, Argum.; Ovid, _Met._, I, 445f. The _Pythia_ were reorganized by the Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in the first Sacred War.

[49] _Cf._ P., V, 13.1-2; Clem. Alex., _l. c._

[50] V, 7.6-9.

[51] See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354-5); Pindar, _Ol._, II, 3 f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar, _ll. cc._ and the scholiast on _Ol._, II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp. 58-9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of Zeus; but Statius, _Theb._, VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen), Hyg., _Fab._, 273. Clem. Alex., _Strom._, I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with Olympia, see E. Curtius, _Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, philos.-histor. Kl._, 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, _Griech. Gesch_^2, 1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see Krause, _Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen_, 1838, pp. 26 f.

[52] _Cf._ Frazer, II, pp. 549-50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from these two many of the following examples are taken. _Cf._ also Rouse, pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, _Hermes_, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, 1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner, pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, _Origin of Tragedy_, 1910, pp. 36, 38, and _cf._ _J. H. S._, XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, _F. H. G._, p. 604; _cf._ Clem. Alex., _Protrept_, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford (in Miss Harrison’s _Themis_, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, _Folk Lore_, 1904, and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his _Golden Bough_,^3 III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E. N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also _J. H. S._, XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII.

[53] V, 13.2.

[54] According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p. 43.

[55] _Cf._ _C. I. G._, II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός.

[56] Hdt., VI, 38.

[57] P., III, 14.1.

[58] Thukyd., V, 11.

[59] Plut., _Timoleon_, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.

[60] Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.

[61] Arrian, _Anabasis_, VII, 14. Games were held every four years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P., VIII, 9.8.

[62] Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)

[63] P., IX, 2, 5-6; he says that they were celebrated every fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.

[64] Philostr., _Vit. Soph._, II, p. 624; Heliod., _Aethiop._, I, 17; Aristotle, _Constit. of Athens_, 58; _cf._ P., I, 29.4. Games were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., _s. v._ ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.

[65] Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_,^3 1883, I, p. 374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).

[66] On the Etruscan origin of the _ludi funebres_, see Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, _de Spect._, 12; Servius _ad_ Virg., _Aen._, X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the _munera gladiatorum_, see Tertull., _op. cit._, 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of Damascus); _cf._ Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.); and are frequently mentioned: _e. g._, by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI, 50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., _ad Aen._, III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, _Julius_, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.

[67] Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, _Social History of Ireland_, II, pp. 435 f.

[68] V, 17.5-19.10. The description of the throne (P., III, 18.9 f; _cf._ Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in detail.

[69] The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by H. Stuart Jones: _J. H. S._, XIV, 1894, pp. 30-80 and Pl. I (repeated by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, _Hermes_, XXIII, 1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, _Jb._, III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka, _Jb._, IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93-100; Furtw., _Mw._, pp. 723-32.

The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler _Mw._, fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689-719; _cf._ the best of the older attempts by Brunn, _Rhein. Mus._, N. F., V, 1847, p. 325; _id._, _Kunst bei Homer_, pp. 22 f.; _id._, _Griech. Kunstgesch._, 1893, I, pp. 178 f. _Cf._ also Klein, _Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn_, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as above, p. 369. _Cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 230-2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.] [

[70] If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586-5 B. C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, _Griech. Gesch._,^2 I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the epic poems well.

[71] _Vasen_, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348 (departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see Robert _Annali_, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; _Mon. d. I._, X, 1874-1878, Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.

[72] Micali, _Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi popoli Italiani_^2, 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, _Archaeol. Aufsaetze_, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race, see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp. 109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 (= Thiersch, _Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, Pl. IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek stadion.

[73] _A. Z._ XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4 (one side).

[74] Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30-31; Inghirami, _Mon. Etr._, 1821-1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, _Bilder-atlas_, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W., I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.

[75] Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.

[76] _Cf._ on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31-2; _cf._ _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable that it originated from different causes in different places and among different peoples.”

[77] See a list of twenty-five local _Olympia_ in Smith’s _Dictionary of Antiquities_,^3 1891, II, pp. 273 f., _s. v._ _Olympia_, taken from Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local _Olympia_. Most of these lesser _Olympia_ are known to us only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded annual _Olympia_ at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion; Pindar seems to allude to them in _Nem._ II, 23 (_cf._ schol. _ad loc._); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131; Spartianus, _Vit. Hadriani_, 13. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 229.

[78] Lysias, _Paneg._, notes this fact, when he says that Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.

[79] P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).

[80] The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V, 20.1; Plut., _Lycurgus_, I. 1. Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 602, and a scholion on Plato, _de Rep._, 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; _cf._ Louis Dyer, _Harvard Classical Studies_, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n. 1.

[81] For a discussion of the sources and history of this register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C. by Hippias of Elis (Plut., _Numa_, I, 4; _cf._ Mahaffy, _J. H. S._, II, 1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see Juethner, _Ph._, pp. 60-70. From it a complete list of stade-runners was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had brought it down to 217 A. D.

[82] V, 8.6.

[83] Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical account see P., V, 7.6-8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, 9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of Oxylos). Phlegon, _F. H. G._, III, p. 603, says that the games were discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4-6.

[84] Especially by Xenophon, _Hell._, III, 2.31; VII, 4.28. Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.

[85] See Doerpfeld, _A. M._, XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.

[86] Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both deities; _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 85-86.

[87] On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, _Ol._ I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout antiquity.

[88] On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.

[89] For the legends connected with the origin of the three, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, and the various articles in Dar.-Sagl.