Chapter 11
Part 11
[90] Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
[91] On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury, _History of Greece_, 1913, pp. 158-9. The first Pythiad was reckoned from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p. 244; Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Ol._, XII, pp. 206 f.
[92] See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4-5; schol. on Pind., _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (_Met._, I, 445) that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.
[93] On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223-6. As no proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.
[94] P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, pp. 424-5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92-3.
[95] They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: see Thukyd., VIII, 9-10; Unger, _Philologus_, XXXVII, 1877, 1-42; Nissen, _Rhein. Mus._, XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see Gardiner, pp. 214 f.
[96] For the nine-day celebration of the _Great Panathenaia_, see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, 1898, p. 153; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 229 f.
[97] See Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 278 f., and _Heortologie_, 1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the _Theseia_ have been found: _C. I. G._, II, 444-450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, see _A. M._, XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and _Beilag_, a and b (c = _C. I. G._, above). For other lists of victors of local games, see _A. M._, XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, _Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens_, 1890, pp. XCVIII f.
[98] See _Ol._, IX, 89; XIII, 110; _Pyth._, VIII, 79.
[99] Iliad, XXIII, 262-70; _cf._ XXII, 163-4, where the prizes were slave women and tripods.
[100] _Ibid._, 700-5.
[101] _Ibid._, 653-6.
[102] _Ibid._, 740-51.
[103] _Op._, 653-9; _cf. Scut._, 312-13.
[104] Iliad, XI, 700; XXIII, 264; Hesiod, _Scut._, 312. It is thus represented on a Dipylon vase: _Mon. d. I._, IX, 1869-73, Pl. XXXIX, 2; on the Corinthian vase representing the funeral games of Pelias and Amphiaraos: _ibid._, X, Pl. V B; on the François vase, and on many others.
[105] Iliad, XXII, 164; _cf._ Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCXLVII.
[106] Gerhard, IV, Pl. CCLVI.
[107] On an amphora by Nikosthenes: Klein, _Griech. Vasen mit Meistersignaturen_,^2 1887, Pl. XXXI.
[108] Iliad, XXIII, 702, as above.
[109] Hdt., I, 144.
[110] Ion, _ap._ P., VII, 4.10.
[111] Aristeid., I, p. 841 (ed. Dindorf).
[112] Polemon _ap._ schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1.
[113] On the above-mentioned Corinthian vase: _Mon. d. I._, X, Pls. IV, V; on the chest of Kypselos: P., V, 17.11.
[114] In the Iliad, as above.
[115] P., III, 18.7-8.
[116] _A. Z._, XL, 1882, p. 333; _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, p. 118.
[117] _B. C. H._, IX, 1885, p. 478.
[118] P., IX, 10.4; Hdt., I, 92.
[119] See Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, pp. 40, 41, and 229, and Pl. XXIII, 2.2 _bis_, 3, 4.
[120] P., X, 7.6.
[121] P., IV, 32.1.
[122] On the tripod, see Reisch, pp. 6-7 and 58-9; Rouse, pp. 150-1 and 355; most of the above examples have been taken from these writers.
[123] _Nem._, X, 45 f.; _cf._ schol. on _Ol._, VII, 153, Boeckh, pp. 180-1.
[124] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. On the value of bronze, _cf._ Reisch, p. 6.
[125] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, 152, Boeckh, p. 180.
[126] _Ibid._, _Ol._, VII, 156, Boeckh, p. 181.
[127] Pindar, _Ol._, IX, 89-90.
[128] _Ibid._, _Nem._, IX, 51; X, 43 f.
[129] _Ibid._, _Nem._, X, 44; schol. on _Ol._, XIII, 155 and VII, 156, Boeckh, pp. 288 and 156, and _Explic. ad Olymp._, IX, 102, p. 194.
[130] _C. I. A._, III, 1, 116.
[131] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, X, 64, Boeckh, p. 504; _cf._ _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.
[132] _A. G._, XIII, 8.
[133] _I. G. A._, 525; _B. M. Bronzes_, 257.
[134] For many of these examples, see Reisch, pp. 57 f. (and notes), and Rouse, pp. 150-1.
[135] At the _Panathenaia_ a golden crown was given the victorious harpist, a hydria to the torch-racer, and an ox to the victor in the pyrrhic chorus: _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965. Weapons were given at Delos: _C. I. G._, II, 2360; a golden crown was given at the Pythian games in Delphi to the city which furnished the finest sacrificial ox: Xenophon, _Hell._, IV, 4.9; here also golden crowns and arms were presented for soldiers’ contests: Xenophon, _ibid._, III, 4.8 and IV, 2.7.
[136] VIII, 48.2.
[137] Foerster, 7.
[138] Frag., (= _F. H. G._, III, p. 604).
[139] V, 7.7; _cf._ Pindar, _Ol._, III, 24 f.
[140] _Ol._, III, 13 f.
[141] Pseudo-Aristot., _de mirab. Auscult._, 51; schol. on Aristoph., _Plutus_, 586; Suidas, _s. v._ κοτίνου στεφάνῳ.
[142] P., V, 15.3; _cf._ Theophrastos, _Hist. Plant._, IV, 13, 2; Pliny, _H. N._, XVI, 240.
[143] Schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, Boeckh, p. 102.
[144] Pseudo-Aristot., _l. c._; schol. on Pindar, _Ol._, III, 60, and VIII, 12, Boeckh, pp. 102 and 189.
[145] Weniger, _Der heilige Oelbaum in Olympia_, 1895.
[146] P., X, 7.5; _Marmor Parium_, 53 f. On the reason why the laurel was the prize for a Pythian victory, see P., X, 7.8; _cf._ VIII, 48.2 (as above); schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. On the Delphian laurel, see also Pliny, _H. N._, XV, 127; _Dio Cass._, LXIII, 9. Virgil crowns his victors with laurel: _Aen._, V, 246 and 539.
[147] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, III, 1; schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.
[148] See Gardiner, p. 208, fig. 27, a coin in the British Museum: _B. M. Coins, Delphi_, 38.
[149] _Anacharsis_, 9; see also _C. I. A._, III, 116; Kaibel, _Epigrammata graeca_, 1878, no. 931.
[150] _Nem._, IV, 88; _Ol._, XIII, 32 f.; _Isthm._, II, 16, VIII, 64.
[151] Schol. on Pindar, _Nem._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 426.
[152] _E. g._, P., VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Qaest. conviv._, V, 3.3; _Timoleon_, 26.
[153] Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 197 f.; schol. on _Isthm._, Argum., Boeckh, p. 514.
[154] See _B. M. Coins, Corinth_, 509-12; 564; 602-3 (603 = Gardiner, p. 214, fig. 28); 624; _cf._ _I. G._, II, 1320, and Gardiner, p. 222, n. 2.
[155] P., II, 1.7. Curtius, _Peloponnesos_, II, p. 543, believes that the pine was not a fir, but the _Pinus maritima_; Philippson, in the _Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. fuer Erdkunde zu Berlin_, XXV, 1890, pp. 74 f., believes that it was the _Pinus halepensis_ Mill.
[156] See Droysen, _Hermes_, XIV, 1879, p. 3; Head, _Historia Nummorum_, pp. 146 f.; Imhoof-Blumer and O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Muenzen und Gemmen_, Pl. VI, 8; VII, 2; IX, 9-12; XXV, 19.
[157] VIII, 48.2.
[158] See Tarbell, _Class. Phil._, III, pp. 264 f.; he traces its origin to Delos and its popularity to the restoration of the Delian festival by the Athenians in 426 B. C.
[159] Mentioned by Phanias, _ap._ Athen., VI, 21 (232 c.)
[160] _Op._, 654 f.; _cf._ P., IX, 31.3. The spurious epigram in _A. G._, VII, 53, may have been engraved on this tripod set up in the temple on Mt. Helikon.
[161] P., X, 7.6.
[162] _C. I. A._, IV, 373^{79}; another is mentioned _ibid._, I, 493.
[163] Hdt., V, 60.
[164] Hdt., I, 144.
[165] _Bronz. v. Ol._, pp. 72 f.
[166] See Rouse, pp. 153 f.
[167] V, 12.8.
[168] VI, 19.4.
[169] _Cf._ Rouse, p. 160 and Reisch, p. 62 and n. 1.
[170] See Rouse, _l. c._; for the inscription, _I. G. A._, 370.
[171] II, 29.9.
[172] _I. G. A._, XIII, 449; see discussion of both stones in _J. H. S._, XXVII, 1907, pp. 2 f.
[173] In Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.); Foerster, 739; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 240-1.
[174] See _Bronz. v. 0l._, p. 179.
[175] _E. g._, the inscribed lead weight of the seventh or sixth centuries B. C., found at Eleusis and dedicated by Epainetos: _C. I. A._, IV, 2, 422^4; _cf. Arch. Eph._, 1883, pp. 189-91.
[176] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 180; Tafelbd., Pl. LXV, 1101 a.; _cf._ another from the Cyrenaica in the British Museum: _B. M. Bronzes_, no. 326.
[177] _C. I. G._, I, 243; _C. I. A._, III, 1, 124; _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, p. 206; on prize torches, see _A. G._, VI, 100, and _cf._ Kaibel, _Epigr. gr._, 1878, 943.
[178] Kallim., XLIX; _A. G._, VI, 311; _cf._ Reisch, pp. 62 and 145-6, figs. 13, 14; Rouse, pp. 162-3.
[179] See Reisch, p. 62, and n. 4. The flutist Straton dedicated his flute at Thespiai in the third century B. C.: _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 1818; a harpist his harp at Athens: _C. I. A._, III, 112.
[180] P., VI, 10.6-7.
[181] P., VI, 9.4.
[182] P., VI, 12.1
[183] P., VI, 10.8.
[184] P., VI, 16.9.
[185] P., V, 12.5; the monument consisted of bronze horses only.
[186] P., VI, 16.6.
[187] _E. g._, chariots and drivers, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 248, 248a, 249, 250; Textbd., pp. 39-40; chariots without drivers, _ibid._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 252, 252a, 253; Textbd., p. 40; charioteers without chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 251; Textbd., p. 40; horses belonging to two-wheeled chariots, _ibid._, Pl. XVI, 254, 254a; Textbd., pp. 40-1.
[188] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 498 f.; Textbd., p. 68.
[189] _Bronz. v. Ol._, _l. c._; he is followed by Reisch, p. 61; Rouse, p. 166, however, thinks that they would have been an “artistic blunder.”
[190] _E. g._, _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XXV, 503 f.; Textbd., p. 69.
[191] _Ibid._, Pl. XXV, 510; some are older than the date of the introduction of the mule-car race, Ol. 70 (= 500 B. C.), and some may have been used as bases for animal figures: _e. g._, Pl. XXV, 509; Textbd., p. 69.
[192] Rouse, p. 165, suggests, though without evidence, that they may have been offered before the contest with a propitiatory sacrifice.
[193] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 71.
[194] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78: _fecit et quadrigas bigasque_, etc.
[195] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 63 and 64: _fecit et quadrigas multorum generum_.
[196] P., VI, 12.1.
[197] Either in Ol. 69 (= 504 B. C.) or 70 (= 500 B. C.) or before 67 (= 512 B. C.): Hyde, 126; Foerster, 778 (undated).
[198] P., VI, 14.4.
[199] The father won κέλητι in Ol. 66 or 67 (= 516 or 512 B. C.): Hyde, 120; Foerster, 129 and 149a; P., VI, 13.9; the sons won in the same event in Ol. 68 (= 508 B. C.): Hyde, 121, and pp. 50-51; Foerster, 152; P., VI, 13.10.
[200] VI, 2.1-2; he won in the heavy-armed race and in charioteering in Ols. (?) 83, 84, (= 448, 444 B. C.): Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a; Foerster believes that the two statues represented Lykinos and his charioteer, and that they stood in the chariot, which is not mentioned by Pausanias.
[201] So Foerster, _l. c._; see also Robert, O. S., p. 176; Rutgers, p. 144; and Klein, _Archaeol.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn_, VII, 1883, p. 70. For an improbable view, see Brunn, I, p. 479.
[202] P., VI, 12.1.
[203] Pliny, _H. N._, XXIV, 75.
[204] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 78.
[205] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 19.
[206] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. XV, 255-7; XVI, 258; Textbd., p. 41; terra-cotta horses, _ibid._, XVII, 267-75; Textbd., pp. 43-4.
[207] See Rouse, p. 167.
[208] Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f.
[209] _C. I. A._, IV, 2, p. 89, 373^{99}; _cf._ _Arch. Eph._, 1887, p. 146 (inscribed base reproduced).
[210] Mentioned by the pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, IV (Isokrates), 42, p. 839 c
[211] Pindar’s _Pyth._ XII celebrates the victory of Midas of Akragas in flute-playing; he won in Pyth. 24 and 25 (= 490 and 486 B. C.)
[212] _H. N._, XXXV, 58; both at Corinth and Delphi.
[213] Strabo, VIII, 6. 20 (C. 378); Aristeid., _Isthm._, 45; Livy, XXXIII, 32. Dio Chrysostom has graphically described the crowds of spectators who still frequented the _Isthmia_ in the first century A. D.: _Orat._, VII (Διογένης ἢ περὶ ἀρετῆς); VIII (Διογένης ἢ Ἰσθμικός); _cf._ Gardiner, p. 173.
[214] Plutarch, _Solon_, 23; Diog. Laert., 1, 55: etc.
[215] For a list of victors, see Krause, _Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien_, pp. 209 f.
[216] See Julian, _Epist._, XXXV.
[217] See Monceaux on the excavation of the temple of Poseidon, _Gaz. arch._, IX, 1884, pp. 358 f.
[218] Lucian, _Nero_, 2, says Olympia was the “most athletic” of all; Bacchylides, XII, emphasizes the athletic character of Nemea.
[219] The boys’ pentathlon was introduced in the fifty-third Nemead (= 467 B. C.) and the pankration for boys earlier: _cf._ Pindar, _Nem._, V (in honor of the boy pancratiast Pytheas of Aegina; _cf._ Bacchylides, XIII); VII (in honor of the boy pentathlete Sogenes of Aegina, who won in Nem. 54); IV and VI (in honor of two Aeginetan boy wrestlers). The horse-race for boys is mentioned by P., VI, 16.4. Races in armor were also important: Ph., 7.
[220] See Gardiner, pp. 223 f.; list of victors in Krause, _op. cit._, pp. 147 f.
[221] X, 9.2 (Frazer’s transl.).
[222] See Foucart and Wescher, _Inscriptions recueillies à Delphes_, 1863, no. 469; Haussoulier, _B. C. H._, VI, 1882, pp. 217 f.; Couve, _ibid._, XVIII, 1894, pp. 70-100. One is in honor of the Corinthian singer Aristonos, who composed a hymn to Apollo, found at Delphi: _ibid._, XVII, 1893, pp. 563 f. A Samian flutist, Satyros, gained a prize without contest and recited a choral ode called _Dionysos_ in the stadion, and played an air from Euripides’ _Bacchae_ on the lyre; _ibid._, XVII, pp. 84 f. Native towns erected statues to musical victors: _C. I. G._, I., nos. 1719-20. One inscription records the rules to be observed by runners, who could not drink new wine, etc.: _J. H. S._, XVI, 1896, p. 343 and _Berliner Philolog. Wochenschr._, XVI, 1896, p. 831 (June 27); _cf._ Frazer, V, p. 260. The base of a statue of a boy wrestler has been found: _A. Z._, XXXI, 1874, p. 57.
[223] X, 9.2-3; on Phaÿllos, see Foerster, 794 (undated).
[224] _H. N._, XXXIV, 59.
[225] _Ibid._, §57.
[226] On _Pyth._, IX, Argum., Boeckh, p. 401 B.
[227] XXIV, 7.10.
[228] To be discussed _infra_, in Ch. V.
[229] II, 1.7.
[230] _I. G. B._, nos. 120, 133, 148.
[231] _C. I. G._, II, 2888.
[232] P., VIII, 38.5; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39, n. 1.
[233] P., I, 23.9; _C. I. A._, I, 376; _I. G. B._, 39.
[234] P., I, 23.10.
[235] P., I, 24.3; _cf._ Reisch, p. 39.
[236] Pseudo-Plutarch, _Vit. X Orat._, already mentioned.
[237] P., I, 18.3 and IX, 32.8; _cf._ Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 79.
[238] _Contra Leocr._, p. 51 (ed. Reiske, p. 176.)
[239] _Cf._ Furtwaengler, _A. M._, V, 1880, pp. 27 f.
[240] _C. I. A._, I, 419; he won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
[241] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1303.
[242] Aelian, _Var. Hist._, IX, 32. Reisch, p. 39, ascribes these to the monument of the older Kimon, who won in chariot-racing three times at Olympia: Hdt., VI, 103; Plut., _Cato Major_, 5; Foerster, 124 and 132.
[243] _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1300.
[244] _Ibid._, 1301; _cf._ _C. I. G._, I, 233.
[245] _Ibid._, 1305, 1312.
[246] _Ibid._, 1302.
[247] _Ibid._, 1304.
[248] _Ibid._, 1323.
[249] _Ibid._, 1313.
[250] _Ibid._, 1314.
[251] _Ibid._, 1318-20.
[252] The Ἑλλανοδίκαι, mentioned by P., V, 9. 4 f. and elsewhere; sometimes he calls them merely οἱ Ἠλεῖοι: _e. g._, VI, 13.9.
[253] _E. g._, P., VI, 13.9, says that the Eleans allowed Pheidolas to dedicate a statue of his mare; in VI, 3.6, he says that they allowed the wrestler Kratinos to set up a statue of his trainer.
[254] XXXIV, 16. See _infra_, pp. 54 and 354.
[255] VI, 1.1.
[256] _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 236.
[257] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 19 f. (nude youths with lost attributes so that they can not be named with certainty); Tafelbd., Pl. VIII, 47 (the oldest); VII, 48 = F. W., 352 (Apollo, following Overbeck, _Gr. Kunstmytk._, III, _Apollon_, p. 35, fig. 6); VIII, 49 = F. W., 353; VIII, 51-4 and 57 (the latter is a boxer of the fifth century B. C. = Fig. 2 in text); VI, 50; VI, 59 (right arm of a fifth-century B. C. diskobolos); VI, 63 (right lower leg). Purgold, _Annali_, LVII, 1885, pp. 167 f., makes these diskoboloi decorative in character.
[258] De Ridder, no. 747.
[259] _Ibid._, no. 746.
[260] _Ibid._, no. 636.
[261] Carapanos, _Dodone et ses Ruines_, 1878, Pl. XI, 1 and 1 _bis_ (probably not Atalanta, as Carapanos suggests on p. 31, no. 4).
[262] _B. C. H._, XXI, 1897, Pls. X and XI.
[263] _A. M._, XV, 1890, p. 365.
[264] _Jb._, I, 1886, pp. 163 f., and Pl. IX; II, 1887, pp. 95 f.
[265] Carapanos, _op. cit._, Pl. XIII, 1.
[266] _E. g._, see E. von Sacken, _Die antiken Bronzen des k. k. Muenz- und Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien_, 1871, Pl. 37, fig. 4, and Pl. 45, fig. 1; _cf._ _J. H. S._, I, Pl. V, fig. 1, text, pp. 176-7. See lists, from which many of the above examples are taken, in Reisch, p. 39, and Rouse, pp. 172 f.
[267] The seven fragments collected by Treu, which are two-fifths to two-thirds life-size: _Bildw. v. Ol._, Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2, (= Fig. 78, _infra_) and Textbd., p. 216, no. 241; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 3, 4 and Textbd., p. 216, n. 4 and fig. 242.
[268] V, 27.2-3.
[269] Reisch, pp. 39 f., gives examples of these for chariot victories at the _Panathenaia_ and the games at Oropos, which latter were imitated from the _Panathenaia_.
[270] V, 16.3: καὶ δὴ ἀναθεῖναί σφισιν ἔστι γραψαμέναις εἰκόνας. Rouse, p. 167, n. 9, shows that these words do not mean “statues of themselves with their names engraved on them,” as Frazer translates, but painted reliefs.
[271] Benndorf, _Griech. und Sicil. Vasenbilder_, I, Pl. IX, pp. 13 f.
[272] I, 22.7. Reisch, p. 40, believes this represented a Panathenaic victor.
[273] _H. N._, XXXV, 99. _Cf._ E. Kroker, _Gleichnamige griechische Kuenstler_, 1883, p. 35.
[274] _Ibid._, §75.
[275] _Ibid._, §63.
[276] _Ibid._, §141.
[277] _Ibid._, §106.
[278] _Ibid._, §71.
[279] _Ibid._, §130.
[280] _Ibid._, §144.
[281] P., VI, 14.13. He won the pentathlon twice some time between Ols. 126 and 132 (= 276 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 139; Foerster, 451 and 456; the inscription on one has been recovered: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 176.
[282] P., VI, 3.11. His victories in running races occurred in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97 and 99; (= 400, 392 and 384 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. The inscription from the base of one is preserved in _A. G._, XIII, 15.
[283] P., VI, 2.1-2; Hyde, 12; Foerster, 211a.
[284] P., VI, 15.10; he won the pankration and wrestling match in Ol. 142 (= 212 B. C.): Hyde, 150; Foerster, 474, 475.
[285] P., VI, 1.4; he won in the two- and four-horse chariot-races in Ols. 102, 103 (= 372 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338, 345; for the inscription on its base, see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 166. P. Gardner, in _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 245, infers that he had only one victory, in 372 B. C.
[286] P., VI, 2.2; he won in Ols. (?) 86, 87 (= 436, 432 B. C.): Hyde, 13; Foerster, 250, 256.
[287] P., VI, 14.12; _Inschr. v . Ol._, 170; _ibid._, no. 154 belongs to the victory mentioned by Pausanias. He won κέλητι in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327.
[288] _E. g._, Deinomenes set up a chariot-group to his father Hiero: P., VI, 12.1; Glaukos had a statue dedicated by his son: VI, 10.3; Menedemos set up a statue to his father of the same name: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 214; the sons of Hiero II, the son of Hierokles, of Syracuse, set up in honor of their father two statues by the Syracusan statuary Mikon, one on horseback, the other on foot: P., VI, 12.2 f.; Hyde 105a and pp. 44-5; another of the same Hiero was set up at Olympia by his sons: VI, 15.6; Hyde, 147a; these latter, however, are “honor” and not victor statues.
[289] _E. g._, Hermokrates dedicated a statue to his son Kleitomachos of Thebes: P., VI, 15.3 f.; he won in pankration and boxing in Ols. 141 and 142 (= 216, 212 B. C.): Hyde, 146; Foerster, 472, 476. The epigram by Alkaios (= Minor) of Messenia is preserved in _A. G._, IX, 588. For inscriptions after the time of Augustus, see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 215 (Menedemos to his son of the same name); 216 (Aristodemos to his son Lykomedes of Elis); Foerster, 550; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218 (Timolas to his son Archiadas of Elis); Foerster, 535; etc.
[290] _E. g._, Klaudia Kleodike to her son M. Antonios Kallipos Peisanos of Elis: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 223; Foerster, 568.
[291] _E. g._, Diodoros to his brother Nikanor of Ephesos: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 227; he won the pankration in Ol. 217 (= 89 A. D.): Foerster, 666.
[292] _E. g._, Loukios Betilenos (= Vetulenus) set one up to T. Klaudios Aphrodeisios of Elis (?): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 226. He won κέλητι in Ol. 208 (= 53 A. D.): Foerster, 634; two Eleans set up statues, one, M. Antonios Peisanos, to Germanicus Caesar, adopted son of the Emperor Tiberius (Foerster, 612), the other, Gnaios Markios, to Tiberius or Germanicus: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 221 and 222.
[293] _E. g._, Mikon the trainer to an unknown Samian boxer: P., VI, 2.9; Hyde, 19 and pp. 29-30; Foerster, 804.
[294] P., VI, 3.8; _cf._ VII, 17.6 and 13 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 29; Foerster, 6.
[295] P., VI, 6.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 93 and 103 (= 408 and 368 B. C.): Hyde, 53; Foerster, 355.
[296] P., VI, 17.2; he won some time between Ols. (?) 114 and 132 (= 324 and 252 B. C.): Hyde, 172; Foerster, 354.
[297] P., VI, 17.2; two of the victories in the stade-race fell in Ols. 129 and 130 (= 264 and 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2; 444-5.
[298] P., VI, 17.4. He won the boys’ wrestling match some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 118 (= 320 and 308 B. C.): Hyde, 178; Foerster, 377.
[299] For the one at Olympia, see P., VI, 8.5; for the one at Pellene, _id._, VII, 27.5; he won in Ol. 94 (= 396 B. C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286. Similarly, Hiero II, King of Syracuse, had two statues _honoris causa_ at Olympia set up by his fellow citizens: P., VI, 15. 6; Hyde, 147a.
[300] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 169; _cf._ P., VI, 13.11; he won the pankration some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 123; Foerster, 758 (undated).
[301] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 186; _cf._ P., VI, 15.6; he won twice in boxing between Ols. (?) 144 and 147 (= 204 and 192 B. C.): Hyde, 147; Foerster, 510 and 512.
[302] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 224; he won the boys’ wrestling match in Roman days; Foerster, 823.
[303] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukydides, V, 49-50; he won in Ol. 90 (= 420 B. C.): Hyde, 14; Foerster, 270.
[304] Vol. II, p. 222.
[305] So Scherer, p. 5. His evidence is from inscriptions of imperial days (_e. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 218, 223, 227), when the dedicatory formula differed somewhat from that of earlier times.
[306] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; _cf._ P., VI, 10.9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237.
[307] VI, 3.6. He won sometime between Ols. (?) 120 and 130 (= 300 and 260 B. C.): Hyde, 27; Foerster, 433.
[308] VI, 8.3. He won the stade-race and the chariot-race in Ols. 93 and 104 (= 408 and 364 B. C.) respectively: Afr.; Hyde, 75; Foerster, 277, 350.
[309] P., VI, 14.6; he won in wrestling matches six times in Ol. (?) 61, and in Ols. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66 (= 536-516 B. C.): Hyde, 128; Foerster, 116, 122, 126, 131, 136, 141.
[310] P., VI, 13.2; Afr.; Hyde, 111 and p. 48; Foerster, 39, 41-6.
[311] P., VI, 4.6; Hyde, 41 and _cf._ p. 36; Foerster, 384, 392.
[312] P., VI, 5.1.; VII, 27.6; Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.
[313] P., VI, 10.1; Hyde, 93 and p. 42; Foerster, 137.
[314] The age of boy victors at Olympia seems to have been 17-20: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 56, ll. 11] f. (referring to the order of the _Augustalia_, or Σεβαστὰ ἰσολύμπια, celebrated in Naples, which were modeled after those of Olympia, _cf._ _C. I. G._, III, 5805). Archippos of Mytilene won the crown for boxing at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and on the Isthmus among the men at not over twenty years of age: P., VI, 15.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 173; he won sometime between Ols. (?) 115 and 125 (= 320 and 280 B. C.): Hyde, 140; Foerster, 757 (undated). Since Pausanias mentions this as a remarkable record, we should suspect his statement that the boy runner Damiskos of Messene was but twelve when he won the stade-race: VI, 2.10; he won Ol. 103 (= 368 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 20; Foerster, 343. Another victor, of unknown date, Nikasylos of Rhodes, was disqualified when eighteen years old from entering the boys’ wrestling match because of his age, and so entered that of the men: P., VI, 14.1-2; Hyde, 125; Foerster, 787. He died at twenty. Such inconsistencies in Pausanias’ account show that the Hellanodikai exercised some discretion in their judgment, taking into consideration not merely age, but size and strength.
[315] On maintenance at the Prytaneion, see Plato, _de Rep._, V, 465 D; _Apology_, 36 D; Plut., _Aristeides_, 27; Athenæus, VI, 32 (p. 237, quoting Timokles), and X, 6 (p. 414, quoting Xenophanes); R. Schoell, Die Speisung im Prytaneion zu Athen, _Hermes_, VI, 1872, pp. 14 f. (and Athenian inscription, pp. 30 f.) He concludes that this honor was given to Athenian victors only in the chariot-race at Olympia, and in gymnic contests at the other great games. Solon ordained that these meals be frugal, consisting of a barley loaf on common days and a wheaten one on festival days: see Athenæus, IV, 14 (p. 137 e).
[316] _C. I. A._, II, 2, 965.
[317] Dio Cassius, LII, 30, 5-6.
[318] Suet., _Octav._, 45; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 174-5.
[319] P., VI, 13.1; Afr.; Hyde, 110; Foerster, 176-7, 181-2, 187-8.
[320] P., VI, 18.6; Hyde, 186; Foerster, 317, 323.
[321] P., VI, 3.11; Afr.; Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316.
[322] P., VI, 2.6-7; Hyde, 16; Foerster, 309.
[323] P., VI, 2.2-3; Thukyd., V, 49-50; Krause, _Olympia_, p. 144.
[324] P., V, 21.3-4. Eupolos won in Ol. 98 (= 388 B. C.): Foerster, 313. See Plans A and B.
[325] P., V, 21.5; Kallipos won Ol. 112 (= 332 B. C.): Foerster, 385.
[326] P., V, 21.8 f.; on Straton, see Foerster, 570-1.
[327] P., V, 21.16-17; see Foerster, 598 (for the Elean boy wrestler Polyktor, son of Damonikos); P., V, 21.15; Foerster 684 (for the boxer Didas and his antagonist Sarapammon, both Egyptians). On cases of bribery at Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 134-5 and 174; Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 144 f.
[328] P., V, 21.18.
[329] P., V, 21.12-14.
[330] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,^2 II, 689; Cavvadias (Kabbadias), _Fouilles d’Épidaure_, I, 1891, p. 77, no. 238.
[331] Ph., 45. He says that victories were bought and sold in his day and that the practice was encouraged by trainers. _Cf._ Gardiner, p. 219.
[332] Lucian, _Nero_, 9. _Cf._ Gardiner, pp. 218-219
[333] See Gardiner, p. 77.
[334] Diod., XIII, 82; Foerster, 271 and 276. Suetonius says that Nero, on arriving in Naples after his tour of Greece, made his entrance in a chariot drawn by white horses through a breach in the city wall “according to the practice of victors at the Greek games,” and that he entered Rome in the triumphal chariot of Augustus dressed in a purple tunic and a gold-embroidered cloak through a breach in the wall of the Circus Maximus: _Nero_, 25. Though Plutarch says that victors could tear down part of the city walls (_Quaest. conviv._, II, 5.2), such extravagances seem to have been introduced late and not to have belonged to the great days of Greek athletics.
[335] _Cf._ Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 198-9.
[336] Hdt., V, 47; _cf._ Eustath. on Hom., Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.
[337] P., VI, 6.4 f.; Afr.; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
[338] P., VI, 6.7-11; Strabo, VI, 1.5 (C. 255); Ael., _Var. Hist._, VIII, 18.
[339] So Kallimachos _apud_ Plin., _H. N._, VII, 152 (= _S. Q._, 494); he also states that two of his statues, one at Lokroi, the other at Olympia, were struck by lightning on the same day.
[340] P., VI, 11.8-9; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 104; Foerster, 191, 196.
[341] P., VI, 11.2.
[342] P., VI, 9.8; _cf._ Suidas, _s. v._ Κλεομήδης; Foerster, 162; _cf._ Hyde, 90a (though there was no statue at Olympia).
[343] VI, 9.6-8.
[344] Thus P., VI, 11.9, says that statues of Theagenes were erected within and beyond Greece and could heal sickness. Lucian says that in his day the statues of both Theagenes on Thasos and of Polydamas of Skotoussa at Olympia cured fevers: _Deorum Concilium_, 12. Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.): Afr.; his statue by Lysippos was set up later: P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279. Gardiner has recently called attention to the fact that the evidence for the canonization of the five victors mentioned is mostly late, and he therefore doubts if it had anything to do with their victories at Olympia: _B. S. A._, XXII, 1916-18, pp. 96, 97.
[345] Ll. 1161 f.
[346] _De Rep._, V, 465 D. E.
[347] _De Rep._, 620 B.; _cf._ Gardiner, pp. 129-130.
[348] Xen., _Hell._, I, 5.19; P., VI, 7.4 f.; Hyde, 61; Foerster, 258, 260, 262.
[349] Damagetos won in boxing (?) in Ol. 56 (= 556 B. C): Hermipp., _fr._ 14 (= _F. H. G._ III, p. 39); _A. G._, VII, 88; Pl., _H. N._, VII, 119; Foerster, 108.
[350] _Hbk._, pp. 215-216.
[351] _Ap._ Athenæum, X, 6 (pp. 413-14); Gardiner, p. 79, has given a translation of his protest.
[352] _Ap._ Athen., X, 5 (p. 413).
[353] _De Rep._, 404 A.; 410 D. (_cf._ 535 D.).
[354] Προτρεπτικὸς λόγος ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας. For translation, see Gardiner, p. 188.
[355] See Secchi, _Mosaico Antoniniano_, and Baum., I, p. 223, fig. 174.
[356] VI, 1.1: ποιήσασθαι καὶ ἵππων ἀγωνιστῶν μνήμην καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀθλητῶν.
[357] See Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 239.
[358] Pp. 272-3.
[359] P., VI, 10.8; Hyde, 99 b and p. 44; Foerster, 77-9.
[360] _Inschr. v. 0l._, 236; Foerster, 686. It was the custom also at Delphi to dedicate chariots; thus we have already mentioned that Arkesilas IV of Kyrene dedicated his chariot there after a Pythian victory in Ol. 78.3 (= 462 B. C.): Pindar, _Pyth._, V, 34 f. An inscription tells us of a bronze wheel being dedicated to the Dioskouroi: _I. G. A._, p. 173, 43a.
[361] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 142 (Pantares); 160 (Kyniska).
[362] _E. g._, _ibid._, 143 (Gelo); 178 (Glaukon); 190 (son of Aristotle); 191 (Agilochos); 194 (son of Nikodromos); 197 (Antigenes); 217 (Lykomedes); 222 (Gnaios Markios); 233 (Kasia Mnasithea).
[363] Thus _ibid._, 142, 143, 236.
[364] _Ibid._, 178, 190 (supplied), 191 (supplied), 194, 197, 217, 227, 233 (supplied).
[365] _Ibid._, 160.
[366] _Ibid._, 177.
[367] V, 21.1.
[368] V, 25.1.
[369] _A. M._, V, 1880, p. 29.
[370] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144; here in the renewed inscription occurs also the word ἀνέθηκεν; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
[371] _L. c._, p. 31, n. 1; here he gives a list of the metrical exceptions of the fifth century B. C.; from inscriptions, that of Aineas, _A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 38, no. 86; Foerster, 244 (an inscription not appearing in _Inschr. v. Ol._), and Tellon, _A. Z._, _ibid._, p. 190, no. 91, and XXXVIII, 1880, p. 70 (= _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8); from Pausanias, that of Kleosthenes (wrongly Kleisthenes), VI, 10.6, and Damarchos, VI, 8.2. The list should he corrected as follows. From inscriptions: Tellon, boy boxer of Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 147-8; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; Kyniskos, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 80 (= 460 B. C.): P., VI, 4.11; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 149; Hyde, 45; Foerster, 255; Charmides, boy boxer of Ol. (?) 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 156 (renewed); Hyde, 58; Foerster, 763 (undated); ...krates, boy runner, Ol. (?) 93 (= 408 B. C.): _Inschr. v. Ol._, 157; Foerster, 280. From Pausanias: Damarchos, boxer, who won before Ol. 75 (= 480 B. C.) or after Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): VI, 8.2; Hyde, 74 and p. 38; Foerster, 452.
[372] _E. g._, the Cretan Philonides, courier of Alexander the Great, dedicated his portrait statue to the god: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276; P., VI, 16.5; Hyde, 154 a.
[373] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.
[374] So Dittenberger, and Furtwaengler (_l. c._, p. 30, n. 2), following Roehl, _I. G. A._, on no. 388; Roehl believed that originally the word Lokroi or the name of the victor’s father appeared as the dedicator, and later, because the victor wished to remove the expense from his city or because his father died, Euthymos himself restored it; see discussion of Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 249-520. The original inscription has ἔστησε.
[375] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 264; Roehl, _I. G. A._, 589.
[376] So Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 241, and no. 213; _I. G. B._, 72; Foerster, following the earlier dating of Dittenberger (_A. Z._, XXXV, 1877, p. 42, nos. 49-50), dates the two victories later, in Ols. (?) 200, 203 (= 21 and 33 A. D.); nos. 614 and 619.
[377] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 225, 228, 229-30, 231, 232.
[378] _Op. cit._, pp. 240-1.
[379] Furtwaengler, _l. c._, p. 30; Reisch, p. 37; Rouse, p. 167; Frazer, III, p. 624. Against the view that victor statues were first called votive in Roman days, see Purgold, _A. Z._, XXXIX, 1881, p. 89, on no. 390 (= inscription of Glaukon = _Inschr. v. Ol._, 178; however, he was a victor in chariot-racing).
[380] _E. g._, by Scherer, p. 5; Kuhnert, _Jahrb. fuer cl. Phil._, Supplbd., XIV, 1885, p. 257, n. 7; Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1096; _cf._ Dittenberger-Purgold, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 240; Frazer, III, pp. 623-4.
[381] _E. g._, Ziemann, _de Anathematis Graecis_, 1885, p. 54.
[382] _Hermes_, XIII, 1878, p. 437, n. 2.
[383] Pp. 35 f.; followed by M. K. Welsh, _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 33-4.
[384] _E. g._, Pythokles, who won the pentathlon in Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.), does not mention his contest on the base (_Inschr. v. Ol._, 162-3), nor does Pausanias give it (VI, 7.10); we learn it only from the _Oxy. Pap._: see Robert _O. S._, p. 185; Hyde, 70; Foerster, 295.
[385] On p. 36, n. 1, he points out that at Athens the usual dedication formula was omitted; _e. g._, in the inscription of the Isthmian victor Diophanes, _C. I. A._, II, 3, 1301, and in that of a Panathenaic victor, _ibid._, 1302. The presence of the word in an Athenian inscription referring to the Olympic victor Kallias rests on an uncertain restoration; _ibid._, I, 419; he won Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
[386] Pp. 167 f.
[387] Both Reisch, p. 36, and Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 240, agree also in opposing Furtwaengler’s _Versnoth_ explanation.
[388] Thus Pausanias mentions the “chariot, horses, charioteer and Kyniska herself”: VI, 1.6. Again he speaks of the “chariot and statue of Gelo”: VI, 9.4-5; in referring to the chariot of Kleosthenes by Hagelaïdas he says: “Along with the statue of the chariot and horses, he [Kleosthenes] dedicated statues of himself and the charioteer,” and even adds the names of the horses: VI, 10.6. In VI, 18.1, he mentions the group of Kratisthenes as “the chariot, Nike mounting it, and Kratisthenes”; in VI, 16.6 he speaks of “a small chariot and figure of the father of Polypeithes, the wrestler Kalliteles”; etc. _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, pp. 239-40.
[389] He won in Ol. 255 (= 241 A. D.): Foerster, 739: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 241.
[390] No dedication, however, is inscribed on it: _I. G. A._, 160; _Bronz. v. Ol._, on no. 1101, p. 180.
[391] Chionis, a famous runner from Sparta, had a tablet, which listed his victories, set up beside his statue at Olympia: P., VI, 13.2; he won in Ols. 28-31 (= 668-656 B. C.): Hyde, 111; Foerster, 39, 41-46. His statue was erected long after his death, in Ol. 77 or 78, and so probably the stele also: Hyde, p. 48. Deinosthenes, who won the stade-race in Ol. 116 (= 316 B. C.), had a slab set up beside his statue at Olympia, on which was inscribed the distance between it and a similar one in Sparta: P., VI, 16.8; Afr.; Hyde, 163; Foerster, 403.
[392] He won the chariot-race in Ol. 33 (= 648 B. C.): Foerster, 51.
[393] P., VI, 19.2; on the mistake of Pausanias, see Flasch, in Baum., II, p. 1104 B.
[394] _Or._, XXXI, 596 R (= 328 M).
[395] _H. N._, XXXIV, 17.
[396] _H. N._, XXXIV, 23-4. The subject of portrait honorary statues at Athens has been treated by L. B. Stenessen, _de Historia variisque Generibus statuarum iconicarum apud Athenienses_, Christiania, 1877; for all Greece by M. K. Welsh, Honorary Statues in Ancient Greece, _B. S. A._, XI, 1904-5, pp. 32-49.
[397] See list in Hyde, _Index_ on p. V.
[398] King Hiero of Syracuse had five: Hyde, 147 a (= three) and 105a (= two); Antigonos Monophthalmos had three: Hyde, 103 d, 147 f, 151 b.
[399] Archidamas III, son of Agesilaos: P., VI, 4.9; Hyde, 42 a; VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 c; Areus, son of Akrotatos, P., VI, 12.5; Hyde, 105 b; VI, 15.9; Hyde, 148 a: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 308.
[400] Demetrios Poliorketes, P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 e; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 304; VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 b.
[401] Pyrrhos: P., VI, 14.9; Hyde, 128 a.
[402] Hiero II: P., VI, 12.2 f. (two statues set up by his sons: Hyde, 105 a); VI, 15.6 (three statues, one set up by sons, two by fellow-citizens: Hyde, 147 a).
[403] Philip II, son of Amyntas; Alexander the Great; Seleukos Nikator, son of Antiochos; Antigonos, son of Philip, surnamed Monophthalmos; these four princes had statues together: P., VI, 11.1; Hyde, 103 a, b, c, d. Antigonos had also other statues in different parts of the Altis: P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 f; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 305; VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 b. Antigonos Doson and Philip III had statues together: P., VI, 16.3; Hyde, 152 a. The Syrian king Seleukos Nikator had another statue at Olympia: P., VI, 16.2; Hyde, 151 c. Three of the Egyptian dynasty had statues: Ptolemy Lagi, P., VI, 15.10; Hyde, 149 a; Philadelphus, P., VI, 17.3; Hyde, 173 a; and another whose name is uncertain, P., VI, 16.9; Hyde, 166 a.
[404] P., VI, 4.8; Hyde, 41 b.
[405] P., VI, 17.7; Hyde, 184 a; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 293.
[406] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 d.
[407] P., VI, 14.9-10; Hyde, 128 b.
[408] P., VI, 14.11 Hyde, 128 c in Ol. (?) 127 (= 272 B. C.)
[409] P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 134 a; erected between Ols. (?) 103 and 115 (= 368 and 320 B. C.).
[410] P., VI, 16.5; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 276, 277; Hyde, 154 a.
[411] P., VI, 14.9-10.
[412] P., VI, 15.7; Hyde, 147 b.
[413] P., VI, 15.2; Hyde, 143 a.
[414] VI, 12.5. The date of his victory is unknown, but fell probably in Ol. 134 or 135 (= 244 or 240 B. C.): Hyde, 105 c and pp. 44-5; Foerster, 463.
[415] He won some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B. C.): P., VI, 3.2-3; Hyde, 23 and pp. 30-1; Foerster, 335.
[416] On the ancient custom of carrying off votive offerings and images from vanquished foes, see P., VIII, 46.2-4. He shows that Augustus only followed a long-established precedent. Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 36, in speaking of the great number of statues plundered from Greece by Mummius and the Luculli, quotes G. Licinius Mucianus (three times consul), who died before 77 B. C., to the effect that 73,000 statues were still to be seen at Rhodes in his time, and that supposably as many more were yet to be found in Athens, Olympia, and Delphi.
[417] At the beginning of his description of Elis (V, 1.2), Pausanias says that 217 years had passed since the restoration of Corinth. As that event fell in 44 B. C., he was writing his fifth book in 174 A. D., _i. e._, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. With this date other chronological references in his work agree. That the fifth book was written before the sixth is deduced from a comparison of V, 14.6 with VI, 22.8 f. Though the sixth book, therefore, can not have been composed earlier than 174 A. D., it may, of course, have been written much later. On the dates of the various books, see Frazer, I, pp. xv f. On the great importance of Pausanias for the whole history of Greek art, see C. Robert, _Pausanias als Schriftsteller_, 1909, p. 1.
[418] _Historia naturalis_, Bks. XXXIV-XXXVI (ed. Jex-Blake).
[419] This process has never been carried further nor with greater insight than in Furtwaengler’s great work, _Meisterwerke der griech. Plastik_, 1893.
[420] In his _Handbuch der Archaeologie der Kunst_, 3d ed., 1848, by F. G. Welcker, p. 740.
[421] Chapter VII, _infra_, pp. 321 f.
[422] _Cf._ Furtwaengler-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler griech. und roem. Skulptur_ (Handausgabe^3), 1911, p. 101.
[423] _Pro. Imag._, 11, pp. 490 f.: Ἀκούω ... μήδ’ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐξεῖναι τοῖς νικῶσι μείζους τῶν σωμάτων ἀνεστάναι τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, κ. τ. λ.; Scherer, pp. 10 f.; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 250.
[424] VI, 5.1. On the statue, see E. Preuner, _Ein delphisches Weihgeschenck_, p. 26; for the recovered sculptured base, see _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 209 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LV. 1-3. Polydamas won the pankration in Ol. 93 (= 408 B. C.), but his statue was set up long after, in the time of Lysippos: Afr.; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279.
[425] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 146; _cf._ Scherer, pp. 10-11. He won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208.
[426] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 159 (renewed); _I. G. B._, 86. Eukles won in Ols. (?) 90-93, (= 420-408 B. C.): P., VI, 6.2; Hyde, 52; Foerster, 297.
[427] The lost work of Aristotle is mentioned by Diogenes Laertios, V, 26. For the scholiast, see Boeckh, p. 158; and _F. H. G._, II, p. 183 (= Aristotle, fragm. 264), IV., p. 307 (= Apollas, fragm. 7).
[428] Pollux, _Onomastikon_, II, 158, says that the cubit (πῆχυς) contains 24 δάκτυλοι or 6 παλασταί; it was therefore 18.25 inches and the finger 0.7 inch long. The Solonian cubit of 444 mm. gives 17.53 inches, the finger .73 inch, which makes Diagoros’ statue 6 feet 1.75 inches tall.Though the cubit was later lengthened to about 2 feet, the old size was retained for measuring wood and stone: _cf._ Boeckh, _Metrologische Untersuchungen_, 1838, p. 212.
[429] Scherer, p. 11, gave its height as 6 feet and 5 inches.
[430] Diagoras won in Ol. 79 (= 464 B. C.): P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 59; Foerster, 220; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 151 (renewed); Damagetos in Ols. 82-3 (= 452-448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 7.1; Hyde, 62; Foerster, 253; _cf._ _Inschr. v. Ol._, 152.
[431] _Inschr. v. Ol._, 165 (renewed); he won Ol. 82 (= 452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 13.6; Hyde, 115; Foerster, 376.
[432] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, nos. 147-8, Tellon, who won the boys’ boxing match in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; P., VI, 10.9; Hyde, 102; Foerster, 237; _ibid._, 155 (renewed), Hellanikos, boy boxer, who won in Ol. 89 (= 424 B. C.): P., VI, 7.8; Hyde, 65; Foerster, 263; _ibid._, 158, boxer Damoxenidas, who won some time between Ols. 95 and 100 (= 400 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 6.3; Hyde, 54; Foerster, 319; _ibid._, 164, Xenokles, boy wrestler, who won some time between Ols. (?) 94 and 100 (= 404 and 380 B. C.): P., VI, 9.2; Hyde, 85; Foerster, 308; _ibid._, 177, Telemachos, chariot victor some time between Ols. (?) 115 and 130 (= 320 and 260 B. C.): P., VI, 13.11; Hyde, 122; Foerster, 513.
[433] _E. g._, _Inschr. v. Ol._, 182, Thrasonides, who won κέλητι πωλικῷ in the third century B. C.
[434] Furtw., _Mp._, p. 246, fig. 99; _Mw._, p. 447, fig. 69. See p. 155.
[435] See Chapter VI., _infra_, p. 295.
[436] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
[437] _Supra_, p. 28 and n. 1; _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 216 f.; Tafelbd., Pl. LVI, 2-4; _cf._ Furtwaengler, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890, pp. 147 f.; _cf._ _infra_, Ch. VII, pp. 324-5, _c. d. e._
[438] _Bildw. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 29 f; Tafelbd., Pl. VI, 1-4, 9-10; _cf._ _infra_, pp. 162-3.
[439] See _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 234-5; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-12; _cf._ _infra_, p. 322 and notes 1-7.
[440] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2, 2_a_; F. W., no. 323; etc.
[441] _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., p. 12; Tafelbd., Pl. IV, 5, 5a; F. W., 325.
[442] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, p. 104. On nudity and athletics, see the article by Furtwaengler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der griech. Kunst, in _Saemann’s Monatschr. fuer paedagog. Reform._, 1905; W. Mueller, _Nacktheit und Entbloessung in der alt-orient. und aelteren griech. Kunst_, Diss. inaug., Leipsic, 1906.
[443] The boxer Euryalos “first put a cincture (ζῶμα) about him,” in his bout with Epeios: Iliad, XXIII, 683. See also XXIII, 710; Od., XVIII, 67 and 76.
[444] _E. g._, wrestlers on a black-figured amphora in the Vatican: _J. H. S._, XXV, 1905, p. 288, fig. 24; boxers, runners, and a jumper on a b.-f. stamnos in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (no. 252): Gardiner, p. 418, fig. 142, from de Ridder, _Cat. des vases peints_, I, p. 160.
[445] _H. N._, XXXIV, 18.
[446] Ph., 17. This mantle was called τρίβων—the “worn,” hence was thin and coarse; Hermann-Bluemner, _Griech. Privatalt._, p. 175; etc.
[447] P., I, 44.1; Eustath., on Iliad, XXIII, 683, p. 1324, 12 f. Dionys. Hal., _Antiq. Rom._, VII, 72, says that it was the Spartan Akanthos, who won in a running race, _i. e._, δόλιχος, in Ol. 16; so also Afr.; see P., V, 8.6; Foerster, 17. Orsippos won the stade-race in Ol. 15: Afr.; Eustath., _l. c._; Dionys., _l. c._ Foerster, 16. But Didymos, schol. on Iliad, XXIII, 683, says that Orsippos won in Ol. 32 (= 652 B. C.); similarly _Etym. magn._, p. 242, _s. v._ γυμνάσια; however, Boeckh, _Kleine Schriften_, IV, p. 173, has shown that Ol. 15 is right. Isidoros, in a confused passage, _Orig._, XVIII, 17.2, says that athletes were early girded and dropped the loin-cloth in consequence of a runner getting weary, whence a decree of the time of the archon Hippomenes at Athens (Ol. 14.2) allowed athletes to contend nude; the same story is told in the _Schol. Venet._ on the Iliad, XXIII, 683; see Foerster, 16.
[448] _A. G._, App. 272; Cougny, _Anth. Pal._, 1890, III (_App. nov._), p. 4, no. 24; P., I, 44.1, says that his tomb was near that of Koroibos.
[449] _C. I. G._, I, 1050 (with Boeckh’s commentary on the loin-cloth); _C. I. G. G. S._, 52; Kaibel, _Epigr. Gr., ex lapid. conl._, 1878, no. 843; Frazer, II, p. 538. The schol. on Thukyd., I, 6, quotes four lines of it. The name was spelled Orrippos in the Megarian dialect.
[450] Ph., 17. The story is told also by P., V, 6.7-8. Peisirhodos won in Ol. (?) 88 (= 428 B. C.): P., VI, 7.2; Hyde, 63; Foerster, 314. This brings the change near the end of the fifth century B. C. For the spelling of the name of the victor, see Foerster, _l. c._
[451] I. 6. Here the historian is speaking of athletes in general; Dionysios, VII, 72 and P., I, 44.1, speak only of runners.
Scherer, p. 20, n. 1 (following Krause, I, pp. 405 and 501, n. 18) thought that the words of Thukydides (τὸ δὲ πάλαι) referred to the time antedating Ol. 15, and not later, and concluded that in wrestling (introduced in Ol. 18 = 708 B. C.) and boxing (introduced in Ol. 23 = 688 B. C.) the contestants were always nude. Boeckh, however, rightly concluded that the historian meant that in Ol. 15 only the runners laid off the loin-cloth, while other athletes did so just before his day: _C. I. G._, I, p. 554.
[452] _De Rep._, 452 D. He says that the custom of nudity was introduced first by the Cretans and then by the Spartans.
[453] Thus von Mach says (p. 240): “They were dedicatory statues representing events that had taken place in honor of the gods,” and adds that on such occasions persons were draped, except where such drapery would cause inconvenience, _i. e._, in gymnastic contests.
[454] See Gardiner, p. 465, fig. 172.
[455] _E. g._, the statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, II, no. 973 (fig. 29, p. 557, restored); _Guide_, 597 (fig. 28); Joubin, p. 134, fig. 40; Reinach, _Rép._, II, 2, 536.6; _B. Com. Rom._, XVI, 1888, Pls. XV, XVI, 1, 2, (two views) and XVIII (restored), pp. 335-365 (G. Ghirardini).
[456] Pollux, III, 155, wrongly states that runners wore soft leathern boots (ἐνδρομίδες); these never appear on vases, as Krause, I, p. 362 and n. 5, and Gardiner, p. 273, point out, and were the usual footwear of messengers. _Cf._ Mueller, _Arch. d. Kunst_, §363, 6.
[457] At Ephesos in Thukydides’ day: III, 104; earlier on Delos: Thukyd., _ibid._, and Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, 146 f. Maidens and youths wrestled in the gymnasia on Chios: Athenæus, XIII, 20 (p. 566 e.); _cf._ Boeckh, _C. I. G._, II, text to no. 2214.
[458] On athletic contests for women in Sparta, see Plutarch, _Lykourgos_, 14; Xen., _de Rep. lac._, I, 4. Aristoph., _Lysistr._, 80 f., says that the beauty and color of the Lakonian woman Lampito came from gymnastic exercises.
[459] P., V, 6.7. He says that those who broke the Elean rule were thrown from Mount Typaion (a rock south of the river). Their exclusion was doubtless due to a religious taboo and not to modesty; Gardiner, p. 47. P., VI, 20.9, says that the restriction did not include maidens. As there is no other reference about unmarried girls at Olympia, it is probable that girls were not admitted; _cf._ Krause, _Olympia_, p. 54 and n. 9.
[460] _E. g._, Kyniska, P., VI, 1.6, and other Spartan victresses, III, 8.1; Euryleonis, who won in a two-horse chariot-race in Ol. (?) 103 (= 368 B. C.): P., III, 17.6; Foerster, 344; Belistiche, mistress of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the first to win συνωρίδι πώλων in Ol. 129 (= 264 B. C.): P., V, 8.11; Foerster, 443; Theodota, daughter of the Elean Antiphanes, won ἅρματι πωλικῷ in the first century B. C.: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 203; Foerster, 547.
[461] P., VI, 20.9. The inscribed marble base of a statue of one of these priestesses has been found at Olympia: see _Inschr. v. Ol._, 485.
[462] See P., V, 6.7-8.
[463] However, we do not know if they were held in the same year as that of the Olympic festival, or at what time of the year. See L. Weniger, _Klio, Beitraege zur alten Geschichte_, V, 1905, pp. 22 f.
[464] P., V, 162-4. These πίνακες were probably iconic (portrait) paintings. Holes have been found on columns of the Heraion to which they may have been attached. On the girls’ race, see B. B., text to no. 521 (Arndt).
[465] It is a marble copy of an original bronze which is generally dated about 470 B. C., because of archaic reminiscences in the head. It represents a girl of about 14 years. See Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, no. 364; _Guide_, 378, and references; F. W., 213; Bulle, pp. 304 f. Overbeck, II, p. 475, refers it to the school of Pasiteles. It is pictured in B. B., no. 521; Bulle, 142; Baum., III, p. 2111, fig. 2362; Springer-Michaelis, p. 224, fig. 412; von Mach, 73; Amelung, _Museums of Rome_, I, fig. 74; Reinach, _Rép._, I, 527.6; Clarac, Pl. 864, 2199. A similar statue is the torso in Berlin: _Beschr. der Skulpt._, no. 229; and _cf._ Kekulé, _Annali_, XXXVI, 1865, p. 66 (who points out the resemblance of the head of the Vatican statue to that of the figure by Stephanos, Pl. 12); Clarac, Pl. 864, 2200. The height of the Vatican statue is given by Bulle as 1.56 meters. _Cf._ also a statuette of a similar girl runner from Dodona: Rayet, I, Pl. 17, 3.
[466] However, B. Schroeder believes that it is merely a victorious danseuse, and gives several examples of dancers from vase-paintings and the lesser arts: _R. M._, XXIV, 1909, pp. 109 ff. (figs. 1-3). In all of these lively motion is expressed and the free foot is raised high from the ground. When the curious little plat under the statue’s right foot (perhaps intended to represent the starting-stone at the stadion) is removed, the position of the statue does not fit the dance; see Bulle, p. 304, for discussion of this starting-stone.
[467] VIII, 48.2; _cf._ Plut., _Quaest. conviv._, VIII, 4, I, (p. 982).
[468] Bulle compares it with the Tuebingen hoplite-runner (Fig. 42) ready to start, though the quieter pose of the Vatican statue befits a girl rather than the impetuous energy of the man.
[469] On the Διονυσίαδες, see P., III, 13.7; Hesychios, _s. v._; _cf._ Theokr., XVIII, 22; Plut., _Lycurgus_, 14; Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ _agones_, I, p. 847; Reisch, p. 46, n. 4. Pauly-Wissowa, _s. v._ χιτών (III, 2, p. 2314) shows that the use of the chiton closed on one side was a Dorian, and especially a Spartan, custom.
[470] On the running race at Kyrene, _cf._ Boeckh, _Explic. ad Pind._, _Pyth._, IX, p. 328. Plato, in his _de Leg._, VIII, 833, D, E, ordained for girls the three running races (στάδιον, δίαυλος, and δόλιχος); the youngest girls should run nude, the others (from 13 to 18) suitably dressed.
[471] Suet., _Domitian_, 4; Dio Cassius, LXVII, 8.
[472] Arndt believes it is Myronian in character: B. B., text to 521.
[473] See Waldstein, _J. H. S._, I, 1880, pp. 170 f. On the style of wearing the hair in Greece, see the following works: K. O. Mueller, _Handbuch d. Archaeol. d. Kunst_^3, pp. 474 f; Bluemner, _Leben u. Sitten der Griechen_, I, pp. 76 f.; _Home Life of the Ancient Greeks_ (transl. of preceding, by A. Zimmern), 1893, pp. 64 f; Dar.-Sagl., _s. v._ _coma_ (Pottier), I, 2, pp. 1355 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2, pp. 2109 ff. (Bremer); Baum., I, pp. 615 f; Guhl-Koner-Engelmann, _Das Leben d. Gr. u. Roem._^6, 1893, pp. 297 f; Amelung, _Gewandung d. Gr. u. Roem._, 1903; Helbig, _Atti della R. Accad. dei Lincei_, Ser. III, vol. V., pp. 1 f. (for the Homeric age).
[474] _Cf._ the recurring epithet of Homer, κάρη κομόωντες Ἀχαῖοι; Helbig, _Das homerische Epos_^2, p. 236, n. 3; for examples of long hair in the epic, _ibid._, pp. 236 f. That the Homeric hair fell free over the shoulders and not in any conventional order has been proved against Helbig by H. Hofmann, _Jb. f. cl. Philol._, Supplbd., XXVI, 1900, pp. 182 f.
[475] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455; Aristotle, _de Physiogn._, 3, p. 38; pseudo-Phokylides, 212.
[476] Aristoph., _Equit._, 580 and _cf._ 1121; _Nubes_, 14; _Lysistrata_, 561; etc.
[477] Od., IV, 198; Euripides, _Alkestis_, 818-19; Aristoph., _Plut._, 572; Plato, _Phaedo_, 89 C; Athenæus, XV, 16 (p. 675 a); Hdt., I, 82; etc.
[478] Aristoph., _Aves_, 911.
[479] Ph., _Imag._, II, 32; Lucian, _Dial. meretr._, V, 3 (p. 290); etc.
[480] Xen., _de Rep. lac._, Ch. XI, 3; _cf._ Plut., _Apothegm. reg. et imperat._, p. 754; and see Aristotle, _Rhet._, I, 9, p. 1397 a, 28; Plut., _Lysandros_, I; _Lykourgos_, 22; etc.
[481] Hdt., VII, 208.
[482] Aristoph., _Aves_, 1281-2: Lysias, XVI, 18; Lucian, _Auctio vitarum_, 2 (Pythagoreans).
[483] Pollux, VI, 3.22; VIII, 9.107; Athenæus, XI, 88 (p. 494 f.): Hesychios, _s. v._ κουρεῶτις and οἰνιστήρια; Photius, _Lex._, p. 321.
[484] Aischyl., _Choeph._, 6; P., I, 37.3; at Delphi, Dio Chrys., _Or._, XXXV, p. 67 R.
[485] Eurip., _Bacchae_, 455.
[486] Κρωβύλος and κόρυμβος are etymologically the same word: see Prellwitz, _Etymolog. Woerterbuch d. griech. Sprache_. It used to be assumed that κόρυμβος referred to the similar coiffure of young girls. On the κρωβύλος, see the following: K. O. Mueller, _op. cit._^3, p. 476, 5; _id._, _Die Dorier_, II, 266; Conze, _Nuove memorie dell’ instituto archeol._, pp. 408 f.; Helbig, _Comment. philolog. in honorem Mommseni_, 1877, pp. 616 f., and _Rhein. Mus._, XXXIV, 1879, pp. 484 f.; Schreiber, Der altattische Krobylos, _A. M._, VIII, 1883, pp. 246-273, and Pls. XI., XII.; _id._, IX, 1884, pp. 232-254 and Pls. IX, X; and after him, Perrot-Chipiez, VIII, p. 644, Collignon, I, p. 363, and de Villefosse, _Mon. Piot_, I, 1894, p. 62; Klein, _Gesch. d. gr. Kunst_, I, p. 255; Studniczka, Krobylos und Tettiges, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 248-291. Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2120 f.; Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 1357-59 and 1571; etc. That the term κρωβύλος represented a way of wearing the hair and not a part of the hair has been proved by Hauser: _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1906, Beiblatt, pp. 87 f. On other methods of dressing the hair, see Pauly-Wissowa, _l. c._, pp. 2112 f.
[487] _Ap._ Athen., XII, 30 (p. 525).
[488] _Ibid._, 5 (p. 512 c).
[489] I, 6; _cf._ Aristophanes, _Nubes_, 984 and schol.; _Equit._, 1331.
[490] See fragm. of Nikolaos of Damascus, (perhaps from the _Lydiaka_ of Xanthos), _F. H. G._, III, p. 395, fragm. 62.
[491] See Krause, p. 541, n. 6.
[492] See _Ant. Denkm._, I, 1886, Pl. VIII, 3 b; etc.
[493] See hero reliefs in _A. M._, II, 1877, Pls. XX-XXV. On early Corinthian vases, men are represented regularly with long hair.
[494] _E. g._, on the bust of Apollo in the Glyptothek, Munich: von Mach, 449 (left); on the bearded man (Dionysos?) in the British Museum: _id._, 450 (right); and on the Apollo of Naples: _id._, 448: On the latter head the narrow band of the former two examples has become very broad.
[495] _Cf._ Waldstein, _op. cit._, p. 177.
[496] _Mw._, pp. 67 (on statues of Zeus, hair reaching the shoulders, a style later becoming typical of that god); p. 407 (the Argive school gave short hair to heads of Zeus); _Mp._, pp. 42 and 118; _cf._ _Mw._, p. 273.
[497] _Mw._, p. 249. Furtwaengler gives an example of a short-haired Apollo of the school of Euphranor, _ibid._, p. 590.
[498] _Mp._, p. 16. _E. g._, the Florentine gem: Furtwaengler, _Antike Gemmen_, 1900, Pl. XXXIX, no. 29.
[499] Pp. 444 f.
[500] A good example of this is seen on the _Apollo of Tenea_ (Pl. 8 A).
[501] Bulle, Pl. 225. He dates it in the middle of the sixth century B. C.
[502] _H. N._, XXXIV, 16 (Jex-Blake’s transl.) The Latin of the last portion of this passage runs: _Olympiae, ubi omnium qui vicissent statuas dicari mos erat, eorum vero qui ter ibi superavissent ex membris ipsorum similitudine expressa, quas iconicas vocant._
[503] Hirt, _Ueber das Bildniss der Alten_, 1814-15, p. 7; Visconti, _Iconographie grecque_ (1st ed. Paris 1808, Milan, 1824-26), Discours prelim., p. VIII, n. 4. They argued from Lucian’s _pro Imag._, 11, a passage already discussed _supra_, p. 45 and n. 3.
[504] Scherer, pp. 9 f., and especially p. 13; Lessing, _Laokoön_, II, 13, made Pliny’s words a text for a famous passage.
[505] For the latest discussion of Pliny’s passage, see _Inschr. v. Ol._, pp. 236 and 295-6 (the latter in reference to the inscribed base of the statue of Xenombrotos to be discussed a few lines _infra_).
[506] Klein, quoted by Jex-Blake, p. 14, footnote to line 7, believes Pliny’s statement apocryphal, an idea escaping all scholars except, perhaps, Bluemner in his commentary on the _Laokoön_ (p. 503). Evidently Pliny, or his source, is explaining the discrepancy between ideal and portrait statues as the result of an improbable rule, since the ancients applied little historical criticism to art, and hence did not distinguish between works representing types and those representing individuals. Dio Chrysostom, in his treatise Περὶ κάλλους (_Orat._, XXI, 1, p. 501 R), tries to explain the difference between early and late statues on the ground of physical degeneration in the latter.
[507] _Inschr. v. Ol_, 170. He won in Ol. (?) 83 (= 448 B. C.): P., VI, 14.12; Hyde, 133; Foerster, 327. This date follows the reasoning of Robert, _O. S._, pp. 180 f. Pausanias, _l. c._, mentions another monument of the victor, the inscribed base of which has been found: _Inschr. v. Ol._, 154, though Dittenberger wrongly refers it to Damasippos: Foerster, 812; Hyde, pp. 53-4. The same authority refers no. 170 to the middle of the fourth century B. C., or a couple of decades later, because of the lettering and orthography. The monument of no. 170 must, therefore, have been set up long after the victory—about a century later.
[508] Dittenberger, _Inschr. v. Ol._, p. 296, compares two other inscriptions with no. 170, viz, no. 174 (in which the words ὧδε στάς occur) and _C. I. G. G. S._, I, 2470, l. 3 (where the words τοίας ἐκ προβολᾶς occur). However, as he says, these two refer to the poses of the statues of gymnic victors and not to portraits. Pausanias frequently uses the word εἰκών for ἀνδριάς (_e. g._, III, 18.7) of a victor, but this seems to be no indication of a portrait statue.
[509] _Cf._ Dittenberger, _op. cit._, p. 296. Hitz.-Bluemn., II, 2, p. 530, think the case of Xenombrotos may simply be exceptional.
[510] VI, 3.11-12; he was three times victor in running races in Ols. (?) 95, (?) 97, and 99 (= 400, 392, 384 B. C.); the latter date is attested by Afr.: Hyde, 33; Foerster, 307, 315, 316. For the epigram on the base of one of these statues, see _A. G._, XIII, 15.
[511] VI, 4.1; he was three times victor in the pankration in Ols. 104, (?) 105, (?) 106 (= 364-356 B. C.): Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.
[512] VI, 17.2; he was thrice victor in running races in Ols. 129, 130 (= 264, 260 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 173; Foerster, 440-2, 444-5.
[513] VI, 15.9; he was four times victor in the pankration, once in hoplite running, and once in the δίαυλος, at unknown dates: Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-72. We can not say that his victories fell at a date when iconic statues were in vogue.
[514] VI, 6.6; he won in Ols. 74, 76, 77 (= 484, 476-2 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207; _Inschr. v. Ol._, 144.
[515] _E. g._, VI, 13.3-4 and 8: Hermogenes, five times victor in running races in Ols. 215, 216, 217 (= 81-89 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111a; Foerster, 654-6, 659-660, 662-4; Polites, three times victor in running races in Ol. 212 (= 69 A. D.): Afr.; Hyde, 111b; Foerster, 648-50; Leonidas, four times victor in running races in Ols. 154, 155, 156, 157 (= 164-152 B. C.): Afr.; Hyde, 111c; Foerster, 495-7, 498-500, 502-4, 507-9; Tisandros, four times victor in boxing in Ols. (?) 60-3 (= 540-528 B. C.), at a date too early for portraiture: Hyde, 119a; Foerster, 115, 119, 123, 124. There are other examples from the early fifth and the sixth centuries B. C.
[516] _Princ. Gr. Art_, Ch. XI (Portrait Sculpture), pp. 165 f.
[517] Gardner, p. 165, cites Bernouilli, _Griech. Ikonogr._, 1901, as listing 26 known portraits of Euripides and 32 of Demosthenes, and calls attention to the fact that 870 plates in the Bruckmann series, _Griech. und Roem. Portraets_ (ed. Brunn und Arndt), from 1891 on, are of Roman portraits. On the subject of Græco-Roman portraits, see also Bernouilli, _Roem. Ikonogr._, 1882-94; Hekler, _Greek and Roman Portraits_, 1912; and the works of E. Q. Visconti, now antiquated: _Iconogr. gr._ (Paris, 1808) and _Iconogr. romana_ (Milan, 1818).
[518] XXXIV, 74. Pausanias mentions a portrait of Perikles without naming the artist, I, 25.1; _cf._ I. 28.2. The inscribed base was found in Athens in 1888: Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον, 1889, pp. 36 f. (Lolling). A terminal portrait of Perikles, extant in several copies, has been identified as a copy of this work, _e. g._, one in the British Museum: _B. M. Sculpt._, I, no. 549; Furtw., _Mp._, Pl. VII, opp. p. 118 (profile, fig, 46, p. 119); Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 a.; F. W., 481. Another replica is in the Vatican: Helbig, _Fuehrer_, I, 276, and Nachtraege, II, p. 471; Visconti, _Iconogr. gr._, I, Pl. XV; B. B., 156; Hekler, _op. cit._, Pl. 4 b. However, Hitz.-Bluemn., I, p. 307, _ad loc._ Paus., think that the word ἀνδριάς used by Pausanias can not apply to a terminal bust; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 117, n. 4, says that the word does not necessarily mean a whole statue. _Cf._ Bernouilli, _Jb._, XI, 1896, pp. 107 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 117 f.
[519] See _I. G. B._, 62, 63.
[520] _Philopseudes_, 18 f.
[521] Αὐτοανθρώπῳ ὅμοιον, §18.
[522] A good example of a Roman copy (from the age of Hadrian) of an original iconic athlete statue in bronze from the end of the fourth century B. C., is a bearded head in the Museo Chiaramonti; its swollen ears and the deep furrow in the hair for the metal crown show that it is from the statue of a victor. See Amelung, _Vat._, I, p. 483, no. 257 and Tafelbd., I, Pl. 50; Arndt-Bruckmann, _Gr. und Roem. Portr._, Pls. 223-4.
[523] XXXV, 153. Jex-Blake, p. 176, justly remarks that this invention had nothing to do with the custom of taking death-masks.
[524] Xen., _Symp._, IV, 17: θαλλοφόρους γὰρ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ τοὺς καλοὺς γέροντας ἐκλέγονται κ. τ. λ.; _cf._ Aristoph., _Vesp._, 544, and Athen., XIII, 20 (p. 565) and scholion.
[525] XIII, 90 (p. 609 e, f); here he quotes a history of Arkadia by Nikias.
[526] Athen., XIII, 20 (pp. 565 f and 566 a); _cf._, Theophr., _apud_ Athen., XIII, 90 (pp. 609 f, 610 a).
[527] Athen., XIII, 90 (p. 610a): here Athenæus is also quoting Theophrastos. In XIII, 20 (p. 565), he quotes Herakleides Lembos as saying that in Sparta the handsomest man and woman were especially honored.
[528] Hdt., V, 47; Eustath. _ad_ Iliad, III, p. 383, 43; Foerster, 138.
[529] P., IX, 22.1.
[530] P., VII, 24.4; _cf._, VIII, 47.3, for a similar custom at Tegea.
[531] See O. Mueller, _Die Dorier_^1, 1824, II, p. 238 (quoted by Krause, I, p. 37, n. 19). For references to contests of beauty in Greece, see _ibid._, pp. 33-38.
[532] On this subject, see the recent essay by W. H. Goodyear, Lessing’s Essay on the Laocoön and its Influence on the Criticism of Art and Literature, _Brooklyn Museum Quarterly_, Oct. 1917, pp. 228-9.
[533] Thus we have Polykleitos of Argos and Patrokles, perhaps his brother; Naukydes of Argos and Daidalos of Sikyon, sons of Patrokles; the younger Polykleitos—who called himself an Argive—the brother of Naukydes; Alypos of Sikyon, the pupil of Naukydes; etc. Statues by all these sculptors except Patrokles are known to have stood in Olympia.
[534] _Hbk._^2, p. 254.
[535] His criticism of painting occurs in _Poet._, 1448a, 5, 1450a, 26, and _Polit._, V, 1340a, 35. In _Eth_., VI, 1141a, 10, he says that Pheidias and Polykleitos were masters in marble and bronze respectively. For a discussion of Aristotle’s æsthetics of painting and sculpture, see M. Carroll, in _Publ. of Geo. Washington University_, Philol. and Lit. Series, I, 1 (Nov., 1905), pp. 1-10; and for both Aristotle and Plato on art, see Kalkman, _50stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr._, 1890 (Proport. des Gesichts), pp. 3 f. and notes.
[536] I, 5, 1361b; Oppian, _Kyneget._, I, 89-90, speaks of the similarly well-developed bodies of hunters.
[537] _Mem._, III, 10.6-8. For his visit to the painter Parrhasios, see _ibid._, 10.1-5.
[538] Following the suggestion of Klein, II, p. 143, and W. L. Westermann, _Class. Rev._, XIX, 1905, pp. 323-5. The latter gives several examples of similarly shortened forms of names and believes the passage in Xenophon emphasizes the fact that Polykleitos was employed at Athens. Plato frequently mentions Polykleitos by his full name: _e. g._, _Protag._, 328 C (sons of Polykleitos), 311 C (Polykleitos and Pheidias). P. Gardner justly observes that the statues of Polykleitos “however beautiful, are scarcely life-like:” _Prince. Gk. Art._, p. 15, n. 1; _Grammar_, p. 17.
[539] II, 17: τὰ σκέλη μὲν παχύνονται, τοὺς ὤμους δὲ λεπτύνονται, κ. τ. λ.
[540] See schol. on Plato, _Amatores_, p. 135 E; _cf._ Epiktetos, _Encheir._, Ch. 29.
[541] P., VI, 10.5; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 97; Foerster, 240; _cf._ Krause, _Olympia_, pp. 302 f.
[542] His date is uncertain: P., VI, 15.9; Hyde, 149; Foerster, 767-772.
[543] P., VI, 3.2; he won at Olympia some time between Ols. (?) 99 and 102 (= 384 and 372 B. C.): Hyde, 23; Foerster, 335.
[544] P., I, 29.5: Hdt., VI, 92; IX, 75; _cf._ Krause, I, pp. 495-6.
[545] _E. g._, Phaÿllos of Kroton was famed for his fleetness, his jumping, and his throwing the diskos. See Aristoph., _Acharn._, 212; _Vespes_, 1206; _A. G._, App. 297; _cf._ Hdt., VIII, 47; P., X, 9.2. He won at Delphi only.
[546] _E. g._, Myron at Delphi: Pliny, _H. N._, XXXIV, 57; Alkamenes, _ibid._, XXXIV, 72; etc.
[547] 656 E, 657 A.
[548] Pliny, _H. N._, XXXVI, 39. These works were probably critical as well as descriptive.
[549] _E. g._, of Pasiteles, XXXVI, 39; of Arkesilaos, XXXVI, 41; of Koponios, _ibid._
[550] 18(70). In this passage he also gives similar judgments on several painters. On Cicero on art, see Grant Showerman, _Proceed. Amer. Philol. Ass’n_, XXXIV, 1903, pp. xxxv f. He shows that Cicero’s references to art proceed from his instinct as a stylist and not from any enthusiasm for art itself.
[551] _Imag._, 6, p. 464. His eclectic statue is made up of works by Praxiteles, Alkamenes, Pheidias, and Kalamis.
[552] _Rhetorum praeceptor_, 9-10. He spells the two first names Ἡγησίας, Κράτης.
[553] XXXVI, 37. For careful judgments of Pliny’s work, see Jex-Blake, pp. xci f.: Kalkmann, _Die Quellen der Kunstgeschichte des Plinius_, 1898; Robert, _Archaeologische Maerchen_, 1886, pp. 28 f.; F. Muenzer, _Hermes_, XXX, 1895, pp. 499 f. (and _Beitraege zur Kritik der Naturgesch. des Plinius_, 1897); Botsford and Sihler, _Hellenic Civilization_, 1915, pp. 551-8 (= Translation by Jex-Blake of Pliny, XXXIV, 53-84 [sculptors], revised by E. G. Sihler); pp. 558-567 (= Pliny, XXXV, 15, and 53-97 [painters], revised by E. G. S.). For short estimate of Pliny’s work, see Mackail, _Latin Literatures_, 1895, p. 197.
[554] See his characterization of the great Greek painters and sculptors in _Inst. Orat._, XII, Ch. 9.
[555] Also in the work of H. Stuart Jones, _Select Passages from Anc. Writers Illustrative of the Hist. of Gk. Sculpt._, 1895; _cf._, A history of classical writers on art from Xenokrates to Pliny, in Jex-Blake, pp. xvi-xci; _cf._ Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, _Antigonos von Karystos_ (Kiessling and Wilamowitz, _Philolog. Untersuchungen_, IV, 1881), pp. 7 f.; P. Gardner, _Principles of Greek Art_, Ch. II, pp. 13 f. (Ancient Critics on Art); etc.
[556] _A. Pl._, 2; Bergk, _P. l. G._, III^4, no. 149, p. 498. Theognetos won in Ol. 76 (= 476 B. C.): P., VI, 9.1; _Oxy. Pap._, Hyde, 83; Foerster, 193 and 193 N.
[557] _H. N._, XXXIV, 88. Kallias won in Ol. 77 (= 472 B. C.): P., VI, 6.1; _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 50; Foerster, 208; _Inschr. v. Ol._, no. 146.
[558] _Ibid._, XXXIV, 71.
[559] Kalamis made the horses and jockeys, Onatas the chariot: P., VI, 12.1; Hiero won twice in the horse-race and once in the chariot-race in Ols. 76-78 (= 476-468 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 105; Foerster, 199, 209, 215.
[560] VI, 6.6. He won in Ols. 74, 76-7 (= 484, 476-472 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 56; Foerster, 185, 195, 207.
[561] VI, 4.4. He won in Ols. 81 and 82 (= 456-452 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 38; Foerster, 202, 203.
[562] VI, 9.3. He won in Ol. 83 (= 448 B. C.): _Oxy. Pap._; Hyde, 88: Foerster, 285.
[563] V, 27.3.
[564] Bulle, p. 104, remarks that up to the present no single Roman copy can be _proved_ to be that of an Olympic victor statue. This fact must be constantly borne in mind.
[565] No. 6439; Staïs, _Marbres et Bronzes_, pp. 299-300 and fig.; _Ausgr. v. Ol._, V, Pls. XXI, XXII, and p. 14; _Funde v. Ol._, Pl. XXIII, and p. 16; _Bronz. v. Ol._, Textbd., pp. 10-11; Tafelbd., Pl. II, 2 and 2a; Boetticher, _Olympia_, Pl. XI, 1; Baum., p. 1104 00, figs. 1296, a and b; F. W., no. 323; Bulle, 235 and fig. 154, on p. 501; von Mach, 482; B. B., 247.
[566] Furtw.-Wolters, _Beschr. d. Glyptothek_,^2 1910, no. 457, pp. 398 f.; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 507; F. W., no. 216; B. B., 8; Bulle, 207 (front and side); Kekulé, _A. Z._, XLI, 1883, Pl. XIV, 3, p. 246; H. Schrader, _Jh. oest. arch. Inst._, 1911, p. 74; Hauser, _R. M._, X, 1895, pp. 103 f. Kekulé, because of its similarity to the _Apollo_ of the West Gable, derived it from the art of the Olympia pediment sculptures; Flasch, _Verh. d. 29sten Philologenversamml._, Innsbruck, 1874, p. 162, and Brunn, _Beschr. d. Glypt._^5, no. 302, and _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1892, p. 658, classed it as Polykleitan; Bulle calls it Attic-Argive without Polykleitan influence, while Furtwaengler finds it Polykleitan-Attic. The latter gives several replicas, two of green and black basalt respectively, in the Museo delle Terme, and a marble head in the Museo Chiaramonti, no. 475. Bulle gives the height of the Munich head as 0.23 meter.
[567] Αἰδώς; _cf._ _decor_, applied to the work of Polykleitos by Quintilian: _Inst. Orat._, XII, 9. 7-8; _cf._ also Vitruvius, _de Arch._, I, 2.
[568] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkm. d. gr. und roem. Skulpt._, Hdausgabe,^3 1911, p. 102, n. 1. He adds that it is _das Ideal von Reinheit, Unschuld, liebenswuerdig edler Groesse, eines der herrlichsten griechischen Originale, die uns erhalten sind_. It is photographed _ibid._, figs. 30, 31. In the _Beschr. d. Glypt._, p. 399, he says it is _das edelste und vollendetste Werk, das die Glyptothek besitzt—ihr kostbarster Schatz_, etc.
[569] Formerly in the Coll. Tyszkiewicz: B. B., 324, (two views); Bulle, 206 (two views); von Mach, 481 (two views); _Mon. Piot_, I, 1894, pp. 77 f. (E. Michon) and Pls. X, XI; S. Reinach, _Têtes_, Pl. 72 and p. 58; Kalkmann, Prop. d. Gesichts, p. 27 (vignette); Collignon, II, Frontispiece and p. 169; Gardner, _Sculpt._, Pl. XL; Furtw., _Mp._, pp. 290-1 and Pl. XIV; _Mw._, p. 507. The best illustration of the head is given by de Ridder, _Les Bronzes antiques du Louvre_, I, 1913, Pl. I (and text p. 8, on no. 4). It is 0.33 meter in height (Bulle).
[570] Preface to Furtw., _Mp._, p. xiii.
[571] So Furtw., _l. c._; Bulle, however, sees in it only Attic work and finds it slightly coarser and harder than the Munich head described.
[572] Invent. 5633; _Bronzi d’Ercol._, I, 73, 74; D. Comparetti e G. de Petra, _La Villa Ercolanese dei Pisoni_, 1883, XI, 1; B. B., 323 (two views); Rayet, II, Pl. 67; Furtw., _Mp._, p. 291; _Mw._, p. 508; the latter believes that it, like the preceding two heads, is Polykleitan and Attic.
[573] _Bedeutung der Gymnastik in d. gr. Kunst_, 1905; _cf._ also Gardner, _Sculpt._, p. 23, and _Hbk._, p. 215.
[574] Furtw.-Urlichs, _Denkmaeler_, already cited, p. 63, n. 3. (Translated under the title _Greek and Roman Sculpture_ by H. Taylor, 1914; p. 119.)
[575] See F. W. G. Foat, Anthropometry of Greek Statues, _J. H. S._, XXXV, 1915, pp. 225 f. (p. 226).
[576] Plato, _Phileb._, 64 E, regarded μετριότης and συμμετρία as qualities of beauty and virtue; _cf._ Aristotle, _Metaphys._, X, 3.7, and _Nicom. Eth._, V, 5.14, 1133b. Vitruvius, _de Arch._, I, 2, makes symmetry in architecture a quality of _eurythmia: Item symmetria est ex ipsius operis membris conveniens consensus ex partibusque separatis ad universae figurae speciem ratae partis responsus_.
[577] I, 2: _Haec [eurythmia] efficitur, cum membra operis convenientia sunt, altitudinis ad latitudinem, latitudinis ad longitudinem, et ad summam omnia respondent suae symmetriae_; _cf._ III, 1; Lucian, _pro Imag._, 14 (ῥυθμίζειν τὸ ἄγαλμα); Clem. Alex., _Paedagog._, 3.11 and 64 (εὐρυθμὸς καὶ καλὸς ἀνδριάς); Xen., _Mem._, III, 10.9 (ῥυθμός, of corselets); Plut., _de Educ. puer._, 11 (τῶν σωμάτων εὐρυθμία); Diod., I, 97. 6 (ῥυθμὸς ἀνδριάντων, _i. e._, rhythmic order or grace in statuary): _id._, II, 56.4.
[578] Vitruv., III, 1: _<proportio>, quae graece ἀναλογία dicitur. Proportio est ratae partis membrorum in omni opere totiusque commodulatio, ex qua ratio efficitur symmetriarum._
[579] _H. N._, XXXIV, 65.
[580] _Op. cit., _e. g._ _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67 and 128.
[581] Ueber die Kunsturteile bei Plinius, _Ber. ueber d. Verhandl. d. k. saechs. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Leipzig_, II, 1850, p. 131; _cf._ H. L. Urlichs, _Ueber griech. Kunstschriftsteller_ (Diss. inaug., Wuerzburg, 1887).
[582] _Principles of Greek Art_, 1914, p. 20 (= _Grammar of Greek Art_, 1905, p. 22).
[583] Quoted by Gardner, _op. cit._, p. 22 (= _Grammar_, p. 23), from two papers by H. Brunn, Ueber tektonischen Styl in der griech. Plastik und Malerei, in _Sitzb. Muen. Akad._, 1883, pp. 299 f., 1884, pp. 507 f. Overbeck, I, pp. 266-277, explains rhythm in art as the _Ordnung der Bewegung_, in accordance with the definition of Plato: τῇ δὴ τῆς κινήσεως τάξει ῥυθμὸς ὄνομα εἴη: _de Leg._, 665 A.
[584] _H. N._, XXXIV, 58 (S. Q., 533): _Numerosior in arte quam Polyclitus et in symmetria diligentior_. The interpretation of this disputed passage depends, of course, on the meaning of _numerosior_, and whether we accept the curious statement of the manuscript that Myron surpassed Poykleitos in symmetry, or, by omitting the _et_ (with Sillig), make it mean just the contrary and in harmony with the usual ancient view that symmetry was the salient characteristic of Polykleitan art. The passage, then, would contrast the symmetry of Polykleitos with the variety of Myron. This accords with Pliny’s use of _numerosus_ elsewhere (_e. g._, XXXV, 130 and 138), which always refers to number. See Gardner, _Hbk._, p. 275 (note).
[585] _Op. cit._, XXXIV, 65, he says: _Nova intactaque ratione quadratas veterum staturas permutando_.
[586] _Op. cit._, XXXV, 67.
[587] VIII. I. 47.
[588] The Egyptians divided the front view of the body into 19 parts (or 21 parts and a quarter, including the height of the head-dress): Diod., 1, 98. See Lepsius, _Monum. funéraires de l’Égypte_ (figure, reproduced in Dar.-Sagl, I, 2, p. 892, fig. 1125); _cf._ his _Descript. de l’Égypte_, IV, LXII; Wilkinson, _History of Egypt_, p. 113, Pl. IV; these references are given by Foat, _op. cit._, p. 225, n. 1.
[589] Vitruv., I, 2. However, in thus following the statement of the Roman architect, it must be said that the attempt to recover and establish such a canon in Greek architecture is still unproved. The subject is complicated and has led to very different views. Thus, while many scholars have defended the theory of the canon (_e. g._, Pennethorne, _Geom. and Optics of Anc. Arch._, 1878; Penrose, in Whibley, _Comp. to Gk. Stud._^1, 1905, pp. 220-1; Ferguson, _Hist. Arch._, ed. 1887, I, p. 251; P. Gardner, _Princ. Gk. Art._, p. 21; Statham, _Short Crit. Hist. Arch._, 1912, p. 130), others are opposed, and believe that design in Greek architecture was a matter of feeling, and that the orders were first reduced to formulæ in Roman days (_e. g._, A. K. Porter, _Med. Arch._, 1909, I, 9; Goodyear, _Greek Refinements, Studies in Temperamental Arch._, 1912, esp. p. 83, quoting Joseph Hoffer from _Wiener Bauzeitung_, 1838). See on the subject a recent article by my pupil, Dr. A. W. Barker, in _A. J. A._, XXII, 1918, pp. 1 f., in which the above and other references are given.
[590] Gardner, _Sculpt._, pp. 22-3, says: “Paradoxical as it may seem at first sight, the very freedom of Greek sculpture is to a great extent due to its close adherence to tradition.” He shows how the free play of imagination depends on external conditions and tradition.
[591] _E. g._, Vitruv., I, 2; especially these words: _Ut in hominis corpore e cubito, pede, palmo, digito, ceterisque particulis (partibus) symmetria est eurythmiae qualitas_; also III, 1: _Pes vero altitudinis corporis sextae_ <_partis_>; _cubitum quartae; pectus item quartae_, etc. Also Philostr., _Imag._, Proem.; the third-century A. D. (?) treatise called _de Physiognomia_; St. Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, XV, 26. 1; the poet Martianus Capella, of the middle of the fifth century A. D., who says, VII, 739: _septem corporis partes hominem perficiunt_; etc.
[592] Die Proportionen des Gesichts in der griechischen Kunst (= _53stes Berliner Wincklemanns programm_, 1893).
[593] _Gestalt des Menschen_, in _Verh. d. Berl. Anthrop. Gesell._, 1895. This work is based on the older investigations of C. Schmidt, _Proportionsschluessel_, 1849, and of C. Carus, _Die Proportionslehre der menschlichen Gestalt_, 1874. See also P. Richer, _Canon des proportions du corps humain_, 1893; E. Duhousset, Proportions artistiques et anthropométrie scientifique, _Gaz. B-A._, III, Pér. 3, 1 90, pp. 59 f.; E. Guillaume, art. Canon, _Dict. de l’Acad. des B-A._; E. Gebhard, in Dar.-Sagl., I, 2, pp. 891-892; _cf._ Collignon, I, pp. 490 f.
[594] F. W. G. Foat, _op. cit._, offers a scheme or typical design, based on wide data, which will serve as a universal basis for securing facts about any statue under examination.
[595] On the influence of such canons of proportion on contemporary artists, see Balcarres, _Evolution of Italian Sculpture_, p. 128.
[596] _Cf._ Vitruvius, quoted above. The scholion on Pindar, _Ol._, VII, Argum., Boeckh, p. 158, speaks of πηχῶν τεσσάρων δακτύλων πέντε as the height of the statue of Diagoras at Olympia, etc.
[597] Vitruvius, _de Arch._, VII, Praef., 14, lists writers who _praecepta symmetriarum conscripserunt_. See V. Mortet, _Rev. Arch._, Sér. IV, XIII, 1909, pp. 46 f, and figs. 1 and 2. In this discussion of ancient canons he shows that the chief ratio was that of the head to the height of the body; the proportion of 8 heads to the body was that adopted by da Vinci and J. Cousin: 7 to 8 is found in the figures of the Parthenon frieze; a little under 7 in the _Diadoumenos_ of Polykleitos.